society |

Category: society

The Millennial Mindset

*Wanderer in the Storm, Julius Von Leypold*

In any effort to fundamentally change society it is necessary to mobilise the young. The rhetoric on the populist right often invokes notions of the people rising up, yet it rarely dwells too deeply on exactly the profile of such a person who is meant to suddenly spring into rebellion. It could be compelling argued that we are all living in the world created and dominated by the baby boomers. Those born from approximately the mid-1940s to the 1960s continue to maintain a stranglehold on the political landscape of the US, as decrepit Biden (born 1942) battles an aged Trump (born 1946). All mainstream political parties are beholden to the interests of the baby boomers, who vote reliably and control the lion’s share of wealth in Western society. Much ink has been spilled on dissecting and criticising the mindset of the baby boomers, yet serious reflection on the mentality of those under 40 seems largely absent. This is of course a huge oversight for a movement ostensibly seeking massive political changes, as it is exactly this group that has the most to benefit from a total demolition of the existing order.

Some may raise objections to approaching political analysis from the point of view of generations. Drawing neat boundaries between different age cohorts is to an extent arbitrary, and the degree to which across all nations, social classes, and even ethnicities there could be a common experience is up for debate. Yet in an age of hyper-globalisation and the mass adoption of the internet the millennial generation more than any before it has been subjected to a homogenisation of thought and experience. It is telling for example that the BLM movement spread far beyond the confines of the United States. When gauging support for BLM age was a more accurate bellwether than nationality. Social fads no longer seem to respect national boundaries, but they can be observed as generational phenomena. It could even be argued that Trump versus Biden is to a degree a clash of generations, as technically Biden is part of the Silent Generation, whereas Trump is a Baby Boomer. This may explain why Biden’s rhetoric is so incredibly out of step with public opinion, as his touchstones and reference points attempt to appeal to a society that ceased to exist even before the end of Second World War.

All generations are forged by novel experiences, including the technological developments of the day. Undoubtedly, the lives of previous generations were shaped by cotton mills, the steam train, and the machine gun just as our own experience has been shaped by the internet. The rapid increase in the rate of technological development in the 20^th century could be a primary determinant in explaining the particularly sharp divides between those born only decades apart. The world of 1914 must have seemed entirely alien to someone born only a few decades prior. It could be said that anyone born from 1900 to 1999 is a child of tumult, a product of immense social, demographic, and technological upheaval and dislocation. The human experience of an individual born in 1066 and one born in 1166 is likely to have been at the very least comparable. Yet it seems in the 20^th century decades contained leaps in technology and social attitudes that had taken centuries prior.

Millennials (those born approximately 1980 to 2000) occupy a unique space, a pivot generation who witnessed the tail end of the extraordinary technological and political changes of the 20^th century. They are a generation defined by absence: the first generation without religion, living in the aftermath of the fall of the Berlin Wall in which every ideological opponent to liberalism had been defeated and discredited, a total carte blanche generation which identifies more with the media they consume than their own nation. It would be easy to criticise millennials as the petulant man children of history, those who were born at the apogee of liberal freedom and who are now propagating a puritanical woke anti-civilization. Yet to do so would not be to tell the entire story, for to be a millennial is not only to be defined by absence, but to be defined by loss.

Those born in 1980s and 1990s were probably the last to see a homogenous ethnic majority in their own nations, and along with it the vanishing prospects of societal cohesion. They have witnessed the white heat of technology burn to embers. Whether or not technological progress is slowing is difficult to judge, but certainly the perception is that the huge leaps forward that were pioneered in the last century have slowed. Economically their prospects are bleak, they are living a life of arrested development as house prices and the basic cost of living has outpaced the ability to pay for it, and generational wealth has not been handed down but either hoarded or squandered by their parents.

The penchant of millennials to smother themselves in nostalgia for their childhood from Harry Potter to Nintendo is understandable if one accepts the premise that by nearly all metrics, they have watched the world decline as they matured. The millennial experience has been one in which they have lacked any agency or political voice; there was no major student movement comparable to May 1968 orchestrated by millennials, even though millennial grievances in terms of wealth inequality and the general decay of the world seem to be far more compelling. Passivity is a hallmark of millennialdom, with the primary pastimes being consuming media from video games to Netflix originals. Yet this passivity is again a product of bitter disappointment, cyberspace was trumpeted as the next evolution of global society, an escape from the ills of the past in which unmediated communication would allow our collective imaginations to build unparalleled worlds – and for a time, it did.

But the same corporate interests, political busybodies, and paucity of ideas and imagination that has ruined conventional society soon poisoned the internet, and now millennials are consuming YouTube shorts and TikToks in the same way aging alcoholics lean on cheap booze as their crutch. As millennials enter their 30s and 40s, a great wellspring of bitterness is developing as it becomes clear the generation that was promised everything has nothing and the prospect of them getting anything remains remote. Millennials have been robbed of the demographic and political stability they took for granted as children, and been left with economic, environmental, and social ruin by the generations before them who pursued their short-term gain at the expense of posterity.

It is a bugbear of the mainstream Right that millennials overwhelmingly support socialist policies and politically left parties. But this is unsurprising when one considers the economic situation they find themselves in; they have been shafted by mainstream political parties across the West relentlessly. They have lived their entire lives without the Conservatives or the Republicans ever enacting one policy that might benefit them personally, and these parties still refuse to address any of the concerns facing anyone under 40 today. Their loss is our opportunity. As an increasingly disaffected generation seeks answers and righteous political redress, we must be in position to offer solutions. There will be no more talk of “pulling yourself up by the bootstraps.” For good and for ill the baby boomers have been a roadblock to radical change, intransigent on economic and social policies that would alter society, seeing no reason to do so while they had their money and their freedom. Yet their time is ending, the dam is breaking and the flood of frustration and polarisation that will follow will present opportunities as well as potential disasters.

All millennials are liberals separated only by degrees of liberalism. They have been raised in a world with no alternative. They have fallen prey to fads such as transgenderism and critical race theory because they have no strong identity, no overall unifying characteristics beyond the shared media they have consumed. They are fundamentally unserious, Marvel-brained and addled by being the first generation to be subjected to an overwhelming barrage of pornography of all kinds. They have been deskilled by the importation of third world labour and the outsourcing of jobs, while being offered subsistence welfare to keep them placid. They are totally deracinated and ignorant of history. They have had no need for collective consciousness. Yet this can all change. Generations are malleable, and shared experiences can be used as reference points to guide the psychological and political development of age cohorts.

In purely pragmatic terms there is no utility in simply complaining about the nature of millennials, they have been shaped by an unprecedented alignment of negative circumstances. Yet we must never lose sight of the fact that it is only with their support that we can truly change the world for the better, and movements that ignore this fact are doomed to fail. The MAGA movement is an expression of baby boomer values clashing with a world that has changed. MAGA wants to appeal to constitutionalism and the good old values of free speech and fair play that have always allowed the Republican party to muddle through to its electoral college dependent victories. Our platform and pitch to the youth must be radical and holistic.

We must state clearly that we will destroy usury and unseat the usurers that have robbed this generation of its wealth. We will not reform but totally destroy the political system that has enabled the dismal circumstances that we now find ourselves in. We will provide homes for those who have only ever known rent serfdom; we will provide jobs that pay wages worth having in a society that is not flooded by economically competing interlopers. Above all, we will provide a metaphysical beacon for a generation that has spent its entire adult life lost at sea. We will re-root millennials in the great tree of life that is our race, and in doing so finally give them the purpose they have so desperately lacked. We must never lose sight of the future, nor unfairly chastise the wayward youth of our race, but instead we must shepherd them back onto the upward path, and in so doing secure our continued existence.

The Age of Apocalypses

June 23, 2023 / admin / 0 Comments

*Josef Rebell – Sea Storm at the Arco di Miseno*

“But the peasants – how do the peasants die?” – Leo Tolstoy

The sky is falling. We are bombarded daily with dire warnings: the planet is dying, nuclear hellfire is imminent, the global economy is collapsing, and AI will at best make us unemployed, and at worst destroy the human essence of society. Politics has fragmented into a collection of competing doomsday cults, each offering its own dystopian apocalypse that must be acknowledged as the primary threat to humanity itself. Rather than galvanizing the masses to collective action to avert these imagined or real catastrophes, the public is increasingly succumbing to apathy and inaction, paralysed by the sheer multitude and enormity of the problems facing them and their perceived total lack of ability to ameliorate these crises. This downward shift in the collective consciousness has profound implications for those seeking to manifest change in the world. In such a period of mass neurosis, the demographic replacement of whites simply becomes one disaster amongst the myriad.

Often white advocates are frustrated that despite the replete and growing examples of the failure of multiculturalism from terrorist attacks to unmanageable and endless migrant flows, large sections of our people fail to acknowledge the problem. This is at best a partial truth. While it could be argued that in the 1980s or even the 1990s that many of our people were genuinely unaware of the problems of multiculturalism, or at the very least the true extent of them, in 2023 those living in true ignorance are a vanishingly small group. The question for those who have not accepted our credo is now no longer whether our claims that demographic replacement is occurring are true, but whether this matters more than the other pressing problems society faces. This conclusion will be anathema to many on the radical Right, who will state that it is self-evident that the extinction of our ethnic group is the most salient problem of our time, and all other problems are downstream of this. If we could simply regain control of the levers of power, all other problems could be overcome, the argument goes.

The inconvenient truth is that for many people, this line of logic is not self-evident. The connection between saving the white race and solving the crushing problems they face on a day-to-day basis is a tangential one. It is the case that huge numbers may well even agree with us that mass migration and demographic decline are grave social ills, but when faced with nosediving standards of living and economic prosperity, a rapidly degrading environment, and the prospect of global conflict this seems a secondary priority. Even the avenues by which action to avert demographic disaster might be taken seem doubtful and fraught with intractable problems. How can voting for nationalist parties be a solution when the electoral system itself has been called into question? What difference does the ethnic composition of your neighbourhood make if tyrannical technocrats can institute global lockdowns and trample the freedom of all, regardless of race? And what solution can white advocacy offer when the most important active war in the world is one which is intra-European?

Our political work must be informed by an understanding that globalisation is not only an economic process, but a psychological one. Where once the scale of reference for the average individual was local or national, in an interconnected world even the most parochial minds are not immune to thinking on a planetary scale. This shift has manifested itself recently in Elon Musk raising the problem of falling birthrates – not amongst whites, but as a global process heralding disaster not only in the West, but in countries as disparate as India, China, and Japan. It was not that long ago that aging populations and vanishing countries were spoken of as exclusively a problem inherent to dying Western societies, but now infertility has gone global as a trapping of modern materialism and its seemingly inevitable reproductive dysfunction. This has given rise to a deracinated pro-natal argument: a fall in global population will be a disaster for us all, and it will disproportionately affect higher-IQ countries.

This white noise has muddied the waters of our efforts to make the case that European countries should stay European. It is in part a function of an over reliance on purely utilitarian arguments which state we should save our ethnic group because we are statistically on the average more productive and more intelligent. If our arguments for our continued existence are solely based on materialist claims, they are open to relativist subversion. We must animate our people not only by logical and rational claims, but by also making metaphysical and emotional appeals. Our group is not monolithic; there is no single approach that will inspire every individual to urgent action. Our platform must be multifaceted and focus on activating a broad base.

We must also acknowledge we are being buffeted by tremendous countervailing psychologically demoralising and malicious attempts to prey on our racial sense of morality and fairness. While Elon may have positioned himself as the most well known pro-natal advocate, huge swathes of our people have bought into the idea that global population decline is in fact a desirable outcome, to save the planet from total destruction. In the infertility arms race we are simply ahead of the pack; we are making a Christ like sacrifice by lessening our own numbers to save humanity writ large. And we are doing so with total moral authority because whiteness itself has been vilified to the point that many of our people are deeply afraid of it.

It is not hyperbole to state that for a significant proportion of our group Whiteness itself is in fact another disaster, associated only with injustice, genocide, slavery, and oppression. While we can complain that this is a psychological operation foisted on us by malevolent outside groups with our worst interests at heart, this does not lessen the reality of the pervasiveness of this neurosis. Pointing out a fear is irrational rarely dispels that fear in the minds of those who have a deeply ingrained phobia. We cannot heal the souls of such people by impotently complaining that our enemies wage psychological war upon us, but only by winning this tug of war taking place in the shared imagination of our folk.

The 2019 horror movie Midsommar presented a folkish, bucolic, homogenous and traditional Swedish society as the setting for occult murder and inbred evil traditions, building on the demonisation of similar themes in the Wicker Man of 1973. It may seem laughable to those involved in dissident right politics that the traditional modes of living our ancestors enjoyed are scary to many of our people today, while multicultural cities where crime and terrorism are increasingly frequent are not, but nevertheless this narrative has warped the psyche of our people. This gets to the heart of the problem with our strategy. We can devote huge amounts of time and energy to pointing out racial crime statistics, individual acts of interracial violence, and examples of social breakdown and degeneracy, but ultimately, we have been unable to terrorise our people with messianic visions of disaster as well as our opponents have done. Put simply, we cannot move the needle in our direction by adding more woes to an already embattled and beleaguered collective consciousness. Our enemies are too proficient in wielding and distributing despair.

If we cannot win the battle to present the most convincing apocalypse, we must instead adopt another tack. We must strike back with the most potent weapons in our arsenal: hope and inspiration. In an epoch of disasters defined by the almost unanimous belief that nothing can be fixed, and everything will get worse, we must be the voice of spiritual renewal and racial resurrection. We must set our sights higher – we should not only make the nebulous claim that we will save our people, but also, we will make for them a world worth living in. If our enemies say that whiteness is only a force of destruction and evil, we must conclusively prove them to be liars by our words and deeds. If our flock is threatened by the howling of distant wolves, it is incumbent upon us to take up the role of shepherds, herding them away from dangers both imagined and real.

In all that we do, we must emulate the example of Gabriele D’Annunzio in his daring 1918 ariel raid behind enemy lines over the city of Vienna, risking his life to drop tens of thousands of propaganda leaflets to a stunned and ostensibly hostile audience. We must embrace the theatre of the grand gesture which ignites the imagination of all who witness it. We must be a relentless whirlwind of energy and hope, delivering the unwavering message that we will not only secure our existence, but we will fix the economy, we will restore the environment, we will bend technology to our ends, and not become subservient to it. We will resolve the fratricidal conflicts of our age, and at the eleventh hour, we will save the world from disaster.

It may seem a fantastical and naïve approach to claim we will fix the world, when we are so far in the wilderness, lacking the power or resources to implement even one policy in our favour. Yet if our people are wracked by huge doubts, if their waking nightmares are so terrifying, half-measures are useless. We must take a defibrillator to the heart of our people; we must administer a psycho- spiritual EpiPen to a race in anaphylactic shock. Whiteness has been the organising principle and engine of history for millennia, it is not we who are the ones who are attempting the impossible by returning to this state of affairs, but our opponents who are doomed to failure by trying to remake the world without us. The genius strategy of European evolution has always depended on the explosive imagination of a few heroic individuals, and it is time for us to accept this mantle of responsibility once again. If our people cannot envisage a future for themselves, it is time for us to articulate one for them to believe in. In a world of rack and ruin, where all seems lost, we must be the lighthouse, the shining beacon, guiding our people home and out of their deep despair in The Age of Apocalypses.

Springtime in Tallinn

May 17, 2023 / admin / 1 Comment

*Alexey Bogolyubov – Port of Tallinn, 1853*

Last weekend I had the pleasure of attending the Scandza Forum in Tallinn, Estonia. In his opening address to the conference, organiser Frodi Midjord stated that he had chosen Tallinn as a venue because it showcases the best of Europe, architecturally, culturally, and demographically. In this respect, the location was most certainly well chosen – with an unseasonably pleasant sun shining on the Hanseatic jewel of the North, surrounded by friends old and new, it was hard not to feel a sense of optimism and camaraderie as we strolled the medieval cobbled streets of the City of Spires. Yet I must admit that I returned to Estonia for the first time in several years with trepidation in my heart, because while the Spring sun framed the beauty of the land, a catastrophic political storm has been brewing, and it is just now making its destructive landfall.

Estonia is a small country, small enough that the first person I encountered upon leaving my apartment was none other than Martin Helme, leader of Estonia’s Conservative People’s Party (EKRE). He was on his way to the Estonian Parliament (Riigikogu) to continue a marathon unprecedented political deadlock, in which the EKRE and several other opposition parties are running a continuous filibuster to stymie the policies of recently re-elected Prime Minister Kaja Kallas and her liberal Reform Party. On the surface, the ostensible disagreement seems politics as usual; Kallas is attempting to increase taxes and cut services amid Estonia’s skyrocketing inflation and ailing economy. Yet this is no ordinary political disagreement, but a battle for the very soul of Estonia, because the platform of the Reform Party is one which seeks to radically and irreversibly transform the nature of Estonian society.

Amid the medley of economic bills there are proposals to implement new hate speech legislation, to legalise same sex marriage, and to continue to encourage immigration to Estonia, which in 2022 saw its lowest natural birth rate in a century and highest levels of migration to date. Even the nature of the constitution and electoral system has been called into question, with Martin Helme contending that Estonia’s entirely online voting system has been rigged, and with the government potentially planning to end the current opposition in the Riigikogu by extraordinary legal means. Kallas and her Reform Party thus represent the most fanatical embodiment of the neoliberal cultural terror machine, trampling on the freedoms, rights, demographics and even the architectural and cultural heritage of the nation.

This story is perhaps par for the course in most Western states, yet it takes on a particular poignance in Estonia, this tiny nation in which there are fewer than a million ethnic Estonians, who have for millennia struggled for their sovereignty and ethnic continuity. The Estonian constitution states that its aim is to “[…] guarantee the preservation of the Estonian people, the Estonian language and the Estonian culture through the ages.”[1] By this token the Reform Party and Kallas represent a metaphysical sickness, a betrayal of the tribe, which in times of old would result in being cast into the deep swampy bogs of the primeval land.

The rapidity with which Estonia is changing prompts the question, why has this happened now? It is tempting to answer that both the individual and the moment have coincided. Kallas is the daughter of former Estonian Prime Minister and later European Commissioner Siim Kallas. Kallas herself has an impeccable degree as Eurocrat, serving as a member of European Parliament prior to her election. There is no doubt she is motivated by living a life dominated by liberal technocratic values. Yet the on-going war in Ukraine has also allowed her to mobilise the historically informed Estonian national neurosis about a potential Russian invasion, and enabled her to describe her opponents as simultaneously Hitler and Putin. It may simply be the case that many Estonians dislike her policies, but they have chosen to trade freedom for supposed security, hoping multinational institutions such as the EU and NATO will shield them. Whether this is true or not is up for spirited debate, but it is undoubtedly the case that liberal politicians are exploiting this issue as the Trojan horse with which to fundamentally change Estonian society.

This is not the full explanation, however. In truth it is likely that if it was not Kallas and the Reform Party implementing this agenda, another party and politician would have taken up the cause. Estonia has been targeted for the very reasons that brought we dissidents to gather there this weekend. For our enemies, it is unacceptable for a homogenous, peaceful, and traditional European society to be allowed to continue to exist unmolested. The problem with beauty is that it attracts envious eyes and envious empires, and throughout Estonian history imperial domination has come from a dizzying array of powers and ideologies. Swedes, Danes, Russians, Germans, have all sought to remake Estonia. The Teutonic Knights imposed Christianity on Estonia by the sword, and the Soviet Union attempted to subsume it into its warped vision of egalitarian utopia. It is now the turn of the hegemonic neoliberal empire to try and remake the Estonian people, and if they succeed it may well be the definitive end for a tribe that has survived innumerable wars and privations.

If we are being honest with ourselves, we cannot entirely say that a shadowy cabal has imposed this fate on the Estonian people. Many of them are collaborating, not for security and safety, but out of pure avaricious greed; a gold lust that has infected the heart of a segment of the population. They have willingly cast down the peasant built Estonian cabins and erected glass cathedrals to capitalism; they have eagerly severed their roots to the tree of life. In Estonia’s hour of need, this flock of Iscariots have thrown the gates open, for nothing more than a few pieces of silver. These app-brained cretins have sold their birth right for cheap taxi rides and immigrant delivered fast food. They will not only be answerable to St Peter, but to every Estonian who has ever lived and sacrificed and died; in the final account to their ancestors, they will be found wanting. Spiritual oblivion awaits them.

Yet this is not a tale of national lament. Estonia is being made an example of precisely because of its spirit of resistance. It is not incidental that the speeding up of the processes of national destruction accelerated once Estonia elected Martin Helme and his EKRE Party to government in 2019. By doing so, Estonia drew the eye of Sauron and the ire of globalist elites. Most recent polling data suggests that the EKRE is now neck and neck with Kallas’ Reform Party. The battle for the soul of the nation has only just begun, and we must never underestimate the Estonian people’s will to survive and control their own destiny.

It may well be that far from being a tale of woe, Estonia will be a beacon to ethnonationalists around the world because in a small country, it is possible to make big changes. The problems of the UK and the US often seem so massive, so impersonal, and so intractable that a single individual or small group cannot effectively make a difference. Of course, ultimately our aim is to retake all of our homelands, but from small stones come avalanches. It is popular amongst some sections of the right to deride ‘petty nationalism’ and to dream of a united European imperium, or the repurposing of institutions such as NATO and the EU for our own ends. It is said that small nations will always be prisoners of geography, simply the weak suffering what the mighty may do to them. But this forgets that small tribes are the indivisible building blocks of great institutions and that if things have gone wrong in the organisation of our world, then perhaps the solution is not that of monolithic institutionalism, but of tribal confederation.

Estonian identity is not to be found in elaborate palaces or awe-inspiring castles. There is nothing on the scale of Neuschwanstein Castle or Belvedere Palace here. The essence of being Estonian is found in the taste of black rye bread, the appreciation of the uniqueness of the Baltic quality of light and the skyscape as its orange hues light up the bay of Tallinn; in the quiet excitement and kinship of hearing the gentle lilt of the Estonian language being spoken when abroad. It is found in the music of Veljo Tormis and Arvo Pärt, which stems from introspection in Estonia’s ancient birch forests. This conception of national identity may seem quaint to those who extol only the Faustian conquering martial European spirit, but these indelible shared experiences may well form bonds strong enough to withstand yet another attempt to reforge the people by an alien and destructive ideology.

In his address to the Scandza Forum, former EKRE MP Ruuben Kaalep noted that Estonia’s national epic Kalevipoeg ends with the prediction that the mythical king of Estonia will one day return. Well, each Estonian that now stands against those who would destroy the tribe in his own way represents the return of the king, regardless of his social station. By resisting he demonstrates a royalty of a noble soul, which contrasts against the degenerate merchant spirit of those who seek to trade away the nation.

This weekend’s gathering also demonstrates that Estonians do not fight alone. All European and European founded nations face the same fundamental problems and destructive processes. Whether you live in Tallinn or Toronto, we are all engaged in the same struggle. Much is made of the difference and conflicts between branches of the European family, but throughout our history on matters of true importance we have co-operated as much as we have competed. England’s Canterbury cathedral was designed by a Frenchman, and this is often the case for many of our greatest architectural treasures. Innumerable European nationalities fought and died in the struggle against Bolshevism. The modern conception of liberal internationalism is of course a negative and a destructive one, but the antidote to it is a network of nationalists operating internationally.

Herein lies the ultimate value of face-to-face events, especially in the lonely and atomised post-Covid world. History belongs to those who show up, and while speeches may give food for thought, they are often soon forgotten, but the bonds of fellowship made can endure a lifetime. It is heartening to meet other informed, serious patriots whether they are Finnish, Icelandic, American, Swiss, Faroese, or British. Ultimately Estonia’s fate will be decided by Estonians – but it is nevertheless encouraging to see how many others from around the world are willing it on to succeed in its mission to remain a country to be emulated and envied, rather than to be pitied.

The unjustified denial of entry to Europe of Jared Taylor to address the conference, and the conviction of James Allchurch in the United Kingdom for the crime of nothing more than podcasting are sobering reminders of both the seriousness and stakes of our cause, as well as the fate that will befall Estonia if it surrenders its freedoms. But I remain steadfast in the belief that in this small nation we can strike a mighty blow against the forces of darkness, if we all redouble our efforts to preserve our people and heritage, we can not only save Estonia, but all of our nations.

[1] https://www.riigiteataja.ee/en/eli/521052015001/consolide

The Not So Radical Right

December 30, 2022 / admin / 0 Comments

As 2022 comes to a close, we can look back on a year replete with good tidings for our movement. The seemingly total grip our overlords exerted via their control of the narrative has been shattered utterly. Their corruption has been irrefutably exposed to the masses, from the futility, wastefulness, and mendacity of the Covid-19 response to the deep state’s efforts to subvert the public discourse through bribes to social media giants. As we enter 2023, it seems that there are now more dissidents than ever and that there is an undeniable human tidal wave of those opposed to the global order and its machinations. Yet while many good things have come from 2022, there is one fatal error that must be fully corrected; one massive erroneous conflation that could spell disaster for us. We have fallen into the belief that exposing and destroying the regime will automatically save our people. We have naively bought into the idea that the more truth tellers we have, the healthier our people will become. To follow this logic is to pursue a lie.

It is of course necessary to destroy the apparatus of a corrupt and suicidal liberal hegemonic order. Yet we must understand that we are not first and foremost ‘dissidents’ because we oppose any specific policy of our governments, but because we are advocates for the continued existence of our people. At this point, only the most ardent fanatics and the most degenerated sycophants are in full support of the programme the globalists are attempting to unleash onto the world. Whether it’s climate change, Covid-19 tyranny, the rise of ‘equity’, BLM, or trans-rights, talk to almost anyone long enough and they will express a heresy on at least one of these topics. We live in societies populated by those who have been declared dissident and transgressive without ever having expressed radical opinions; the elite has gone drastically away from the masses, propped up by an ever smaller and smaller segment of the population. As material conditions decline, their support, as well as their ability to implement their demented policies, will evaporate completely.

In a world where almost everyone is a dissident of some kind, waiting for the death knell of a senile and tired ideology, the description is meaningless. It is true we may share common ground with many of those now forced into opposition to the government by its extreme social engineering, but these bonds are nevertheless too weak to form a coherent movement. Our task is not simply to stymy the existing order, but to be the vanguard that offers a new vision of the world, one which leads to the revival and flourishing of our people once again. While the big tent approach is alluring, it is ultimately doomed to failure. We have seen this in the aftermath of Charlottesville where the tentative bonds that held a coalition of disparate dissidents together were too brittle to withstand the lawfare and media recriminations, scattering the ‘Alt Right’ to the winds.

In its place we have seen the proliferation of Conservative Inc. shills, infotainment streamers grifting daily by offering turgid analysis of the news, manosphere buffoons, and Christians papering over the differences of their ragtag audiences with pop theology. While it could be said all of these group’s chip away at the legitimacy of the regime, none of them will save our race. Increasingly, the front men of these circus operations are not even from our race to begin with. This white nationalism without whites has capitalised on the growing audience of state mandated do-nothing dissidents seeking out performative critiques of the regime, without confronting and telling the whole truth on the biggest issue facing us: demographic replacement. If we are unable to push this issue to the fore, the regime very well may fall, but what will replace it will by a third world coalition of cranks, not a revived and revitalised European people.

If we accept that our spokesmen are to be Hispanic Christian nationalists and black rappers, with their message propagated by alt-lite orbiters and mixed-race streamers then we have already lost. If we cannot stop The Great Replacement even within our own movement, we have no chance of reversing it in the wider world. The alure of the easy downward path will always be too much for some. At the Battle of Hastings in 1066 when victory seemed assured, many of King Harold’s loyal Anglo-Saxon thanes foolishly abandoned the high ground they occupied to chase the supposedly fleeing Norman invaders, blinded by the prospect that total victory was at hand. By being baited to abandon their elevated position atop the hill, they were thus destroyed, and both the battle and kingdom was lost. I am therefore planting my banner deep into the soil of this hill I am prepared to die on and stating plainly: this must be a movement for us, by us. Salvation will not come from without but must be stoked from within. We must not abandon our high ground to chase the prospect of easy victory in the valley below. We must instead take the much more difficult and time-consuming higher path.

We are not simply engaged in destroying the existing order. We are dedicated to the uncompromising goal of reorientating and rebuilding our people and our society. Our task is much more arduous than that of simple demolition. Each of us is a beacon, broadcasting into the darkness, attempting to make contact with those of our people who are open to our message. We have changed our frame of reference and view ourselves as part of a collectivist struggle. The wealth, and the skills we garner are no longer just for our private use and entertainment but strengthen our whole tribe. While an increasing number of grifters think they can make comfortable careers by draining the limited resources of our collective war chest, we hunters and gatherers labour tirelessly to make our movement more prosperous, stronger, and more educated.

Our metaphysical belief in the revival of our people and our civilization is the concrete foundation that allows us to withstand the chaos of a collapsing world. The weak willed nominally on our side who focus only on purely frivolous political issues will ultimately be swept away. We must always privilege quality and practice discernment and discrimination. If we are truly Evolian, if we are really right-wing in the best sense of that term, quality always trumps quantity. If I must hold the hill alone, I will do so as Spengler’s last Roman, watching those who abandon it to chase the phantom of an easy remaking of the world be destroyed in the melee below. But I do not think I will fight on alone, because each awakened member of our race who accepts the higher path into their heart is another shoulder bracing the great shield wall beside me.

Our victory requires a total mobilisation of white society, young and old, male, and female. In the great titanic struggles of history, it is not absolute numbers that make the difference, but zeal of those engaged in the struggle. We must harden our hearts now and act as ideological commissars, giving the order that there should be not one step back. It is not optimism that is cowardice, but compromise. Those who minimise the gravity of our situation, and the defeatists who say it is too late must both be purged as disloyal to the cause. We are engaged in an existential battle for survival, and we are losing. The last Confederate statue has been removed from Richmond, Virginia and the most recent UK census data reaffirms what we already know by looking at our towns and cities.

The situation can be reversed however, we have just enough time. The lesson of 2022 is that the prison guards watching the panopticon of our race’s collective thoughts have left the building; the white race’s mental prison no longer is under armed guard. Now is our chance to storm the Bastille, to turn the cracks in the walls of the narrative into huge breaches, through which we will liberate our people from their mental enslavement. The clowns and grifters who are adjacent to our struggle but can never fully participate in it have their uses, they are distracting the establishment and providing us the ability to organise. We must ensure however that they are subservient to our interests, not the other way around.

We must clearly understand now that their mission is not our mission. We are engaged in forging the nucleus of a new intellectual and political elite to shepherd our people away from the wolves and the hyenas confronting us. In a chaotic world of false friends and shifting alliances, I identify my kinsmen in this struggle not simply by what they say, but also who they are. Our circle may be smaller because of this, but it ultimately will be stronger, strong enough to hold our hill against all comers, to not only withstand the storm, but to ride out after it blows over and to reforge a new and vital world from the ruins of the old one.

While those of the not so radical right disgraced themselves by casting their lot in with the jesters and freaks rushing to their demise, we true bannermen of our race shall occupy the high ground with the king, elevating ourselves ever more, closing the celestial distance between ourselves and our ancestors in the heavens. Undoubtedly the regime will continue to weaken in 2023, but we must labour every day to ensure that rather than it replacing us, we shall instead replace it. This year is ours for the taking, we must only be true to ourselves and our principles. I invite all true patriots to lock their shield with mine and drive our enemies from the field. A few good men beats numbers.

The Death of the Tactile World

September 17, 2022 / admin / 0 Comments

Many theories have been posited as the cause of the decline of the Western world, from demographic disaster and dysgenics to spiritual malaise and the death of Christianity. Yet while these phenomena are symptoms of our collapsing societies, they do not fully explain why we have embarked on our wholesale self-destruction. Could it be that we have let our world descend into rack and ruin, because we simply do not live there anymore? For the vast majority of the developed world cyberspace has supplanted reality. The metaverse is not a dystopian corporate dream, but in fact already a daily lived reality, one more powerful than the physical, tactile world we inhabit. Our Twitter feed, our Instagram followers, our bespoke media bubble, and big business algorithms are the dominant pillars of the modern psyche.

The observation that the internet has fuelled political polarisation is not a novel one, and it is easy to chart the acceleration of societal fragmentation in tandem with the rise of the smart phone and the app economy. We are engaged in an unprecedented psycho-technological experiment, with the levers of control firmly in the hands of a small unaccountable digital elite. They have perfected the art of manipulating human emotions, presenting the atypical as typical, magnifying outrage when needed, and minimising it when inconvenient. They have succeeded in quite literally rewiring the human brain, turning us into dopamine addicts. It is now being observed that IQ is declining because attention spans have been so severely impaired by the ever more sensational demands for our fleeting attention in cyberspace. Each iteration of the digital experiment has distilled the essence of manipulation into a finer and finer art. We have been seduced to abandon the real world for the pleasures of the simulated one.

It is hard to overstate the magnitude of this transformation not only on political discourse, but on society as a whole. Our lives have taken on a hollow, performative aspect as we do things not for ourselves, but to document them for others. Undoubtedly, the rise of China and its flood of cheap plastic products in part owes to the fact we no longer care about the quality of things we own in the real world; they serve only as utilitarian ends to allow us to get back online. We are now spending more time alone than ever, living vicariously through the parasocial relationships with our favourite streamers, podcasters, and content creators. Even when we are not alone technology has provided ample opportunities for us to atomise ourselves. When we travel on crowded public transport populated by alien and dysfunctional people, we can simply put our Air Pods in to ignore this inconvenient truth.

The end result of this constant diet of media consumption is mass passivity. We no longer live in the society of the spectacle because there is no coherent external society to identify with anymore. We live a totally atomised experience, in which the only choice we are granted is to select our next media hit to consume from an ever-changing smorgasbord of Netflix shows, microtransaction riddled video games, vacuous YouTube and Facebook videos and Onlyfans pornography. All anti-system political ideologies have been neutered by this process which replaces action with infotainment, while the new puppet masters of Plato’s cave hide our activities from the public through algorithmic manipulation.

Both mainstream and dissident commentators have largely failed to conceptualise this total sea change in the human experience and have no viable response to it. Crude primitivist critiques which implore that we should do away with technology and return to a purer state of nature will ultimately find no purchase. No technological innovation once unleashed has been willingly relinquished in human history; the genie will not be put back in the bottle. The traditionalist gurus who advocated total disengagement and a retreat to the land largely just ended up tweeting their nostrums with slower internet connections.

We are not in any case, fundamentally engaged in a battle with technology itself. Though the wisdom of a total reliance on devices dependent on rare earth minerals and increasingly scare semiconductors may be questioned, technology in itself is value neutral. It is the use it is put to that is paramount. We are ultimately involved in a struggle for the direction of our collective imagination, and this battle is not new, but in fact a perennial one.

Humans have always created other realms of dreams and hopes, that manifest themselves only partially in the real and physical world. When an illiterate medieval peasant gazed upon a stained-glass cathedral window he was transported to another divine plane, beyond the strictly temporal. For much of human history novels and letters served to externalise our waking dreams; to birth a collective consciousness that could persist beyond the span of a human life. Before the advent of the internet, cinema and television served the function of this other world, not at all reflecting reality but instead creating an alternative one which informed the physical world.

Yet all these technologies have suffered the same fate, to be corrupted and rendered ultimately spiritually sickening by the ruthless application of liberal and egalitarian values. When a technology has intellectual, ethnic, and economic barriers to its use it is a spiritually vitalising force. Writing bolstered us when it was the preserve of the learned class, the tool of monks and philosophers. In its infancy, television was predicated on the belief that it could be used to elevate the masses, through documentaries and informed discussions. It is not accidental that the first blockbuster movie, The Birth of a Nation, was a race-affirming inegalitarian exhortation. The early internet was the preserve of economic and intellectual elites, the finest Western minds of the time. There was a meritocracy in its limited usership, who were driven to push the technology to expand our consciousness and realise our dreams.

Paradoxically, when technologies are democratised, they necessarily become less free and are determined by the worst, rather than the best elements of society. It is not the case therefore that the internet has ruined society, but rather that liberal egalitarianism has destroyed the internet, in the same fashion it polluted and ultimately destroyed our connection to the tactile world. The internet was created as an escape pod, a promise for unfettered communication and communal dreaming for those disaffected by our already collapsing real world. Our white flight to cyberspace has sadly now come to an end, as the third worlding of the internet takes place, presided over by megacorporations hellbent on monetising, censoring, and narrative control.

Our response to this must be two-fold. Firstly, we must re-engage with the tactile world and break free of the pernicious and all-consuming hypnosis of an alien-controlled internet. We must take ownership of our own lives, and reimbue ourselves with a Heideggerian sense of authenticity, no longer performatively living for others, but living purely for ourselves and our people. At the present time, doing things in the real world is a revolutionary act. Yet it is unrealistic to expect we will simply unplug ourselves from the digital matrix completely however, especially as more and more functions of the real world become centralised there. We must then instead change our approach to the digital second world.

Despite all its corruptions and flaws, the internet still provides us with an incredible opportunity to network with the best of our people. We must reach out to other like-minded individuals and continue to keep the dream of our people alive. Together we can stoke our Faustian imagination and keep it burning bright, working towards the next great technology that will enable yet bigger dreams for us. This time, we must safeguard it against the encroachment of egalitarianism and debasing liberalisation. We must work together to imagine a future for us, by us, which complements rather than replaces our natural, tactile world.

The Long Winter of Liberty

December 2, 2021 / admin / 0 Comments

You are much less free than you used to be just a few short years ago – this an irrefutable fact. Almost daily in 2020 and 2021 we have witnessed scenes of tyranny and repression which we would have not thought previously possible in modern Western states. We have looked on as Australian construction workers were riddled with rubber bullets as they rallied for their right to work without vaccine passes. We have watched tens of thousands of medical workers who were previously vaunted as ‘heroes’ thrown out of their jobs because they did not comply with vaccine mandates. We have had front row seats to the creation of a two-tiered system in Austria, Germany, and New Zealand in which the vaccinated have more rights than the unvaccinated. But this attack on our freedoms goes far beyond COVID-19 and the issue of medical liberty. We are the unwitting victims of an orchestrated and wholesale effort to roll back all our existing rights organised by a malevolent and highly co-ordinated global elite.

It is no coincidence that as the pandemic raged on, world leaders dedicated weeks to the COP26 UN Climate Change Conference in which they aimed ultimately to dictate the food you can eat, the vehicle you can drive, and how you can heat and power your own home. At the same time, the gubernatorial race in the state of Virginia was narrowly decided in favour of the continued right of parents to choose what is taught to their children, as voters rejected the state mandated imposition of critical race theory in Virginia’s schools. Though the battle in that instance may have been won, the war for parental choice is by no means over. Even more concerning is the fact that two of the most fundamental rights of all were recently placed on trial in the US – the right to self-defence in the Kyle Rittenhouse case, and the right to assemble and legally protest in the Charlottesville civil case. Regardless of the outcome of these cases, through media and legal intimidation our overlords have done their utmost to give Lady Liberty a black eye.

Some may say that our freedoms are always under threat; that governments continually test the limits of power and that this contestation is a natural and healthy part of the democratic process. Yet it is difficult to dispel the impression that there has been a sudden and paradigmatic shift in the nature of the social contract which has been in place since end of the Second World War. Of course, our freedoms have never been absolute but rather contingent and negotiated. For example, citizens of Western countries implicitly traded away their free speech rights on topics such as immigration and demographics in exchange for material comfort and laissez-faire governance. Yet the COVID era has torn up the unspoken status quo arrangement, while creating a template for ostracising those who object. As British conservative commentator Peter Hitchens has pointed out, the pejorative use of the labels such as ‘science denier’ and ‘climate change denier’ are an explicit effort to weaponize the perceived moral infirmity of Holocaust denial against those who dare to espouse anti-system views.

Undoubtedly, at COP26 and beyond governments are feverishly devising new categories of ‘deniers’ as they seek to forge ahead with their total reshaping of human society. It must be understood that our elites are not simply enacting a political or economic programme, they are the acolytes in the cult of modernity attempting to bring about a complete metaphysical revolution. Their vision of the future is one of atomised human beings who have no a priori characteristics. No national allegiance, no race, no family, and no gender. If our present leaders are not stopped, there will be no aspect of human life that will be untouched, and not a single freedom left unmolested. When we understand the totality of our enemies plans for us, it is all the more distressing that many on the right have unwittingly helped them advance their agenda by fundamentally misunderstanding the dissident right’s relationship with freedom.

Faced with overwhelming tyranny on all fronts, some commentators on the right have chosen to side with their oppressors and fetishize authoritarianism as an end in itself. “If only we welded people in their apartments, as China did”, they lament, “this crisis would already be over.” This line of reasoning is founded on the misguided notion that our current predicament can be counteracted by more totalitarianism and statism, not less. This may seem quite an incredible position to advocate, but it stems from two related and incorrect assumptions. Firstly, that this crisis is an epidemiological phenomenon, and not a piece of political theatre. COVID-19 is indeed real, but it is being used as a pretext and a template for radical societal changes. Secondly, those advocating for more central authority and statism believe on some level that they, or people with their values, will one day wield that power. They fantasise that a government with the true citizen’s interests at heart could sweep to power, and the pendulum will swing in our favour. They dream of a world in which all the massive machinery of government will be at our disposal, so that we can use it to remake society. Comforting though this thought may be to some, it will not happen.

It will not happen because we are not opposing merely a national government, but a globe spanning system which has locked itself into a death spiral. Every institution is corroded beyond repair, all political systems are gerrymandered beyond victory. Even when candidates who have a small modicum of sympathy to a part of our political agenda do achieve high office, they are rendered completely impotent by the deep state and the shadow government which subverts and sabotages all their carefully laid plans. This is distressing for collectivists to hear, and the charge no doubt will be laid that individual liberty is no basis on which to fight back against the organised and co-ordinated efforts of our enemies.

This is partially correct, but the question of whether the dissident right is fundamentally collectivist or individualist is moot. We must use a Janus-headed dialectic and accept the answer is not either or, but in fact both. We all have a responsibility to our wider ethnic and national community, but within that polity the engines of European history have been stoked by those practicing heroic individualism. Our ethnic identity is the marble, but the individual is the sculptor of that raw material, choosing whether or not to carve out a place in the immortal halls of our history. Inegalitarianism is engrained in the European soul – a race of great heroes and great villains. A stratified family of families in which some are peasants, and some are kings. A large variance in the average IQ of many European nations maps onto the chasmic differences between the souls of our people. Yet we are all still bound together in our struggle to pursue our collective destiny. We have dreamed the same dream.

We are engaged in a multigenerational battle for liberty. But the liberties we demand are not the same as the liberals and leftists who have gorged themselves on the freedom to be trivial; to identify themselves purely with consumer choices and sexual fads. We demand the freedom not to be ruled by our intellectual and moral inferiors. We accept the responsibility and ultimate liberation that comes from the freedom to succeed or fail entirely amongst our own kind. All modernity is a cage for European man, because our untrammelled freedom sent us to the stars, and reduced nations to nuclear cinders. The globalist project was created as a safety valve against the power of organised and motivated European nations – but it has surreptitiously expanded its remit and metastasised into a giant set of shackles on the human spirit, seeking to dictate and control every facet of life. It has designated all of us who oppose it criminals and undesirables, and for some on the right the persona of the rebel and outlaw sits uneasy. They want to continue to appeal to some distant notion of ‘fairness’, and to continue to revel in their bourgeois respectability.

The time of Evolian detachment is over, however. We are all outlaws now, as Big Tech, Big Pharma, and Big Government work as an iron triangle to corral us all into their prison planet. Our objective at this time is not a lofty one, we are not in a position to remake the world. First and foremost, we must survive the long winter of liberty, huddled together in face of the tyrannical blizzards and shifting snow drifts of economic ruin and total loss of freedom. But we can take solace in the fact that the globalist project has overreached, it is hurtling over a cliff. It cannot be reasoned with because it is not rational, it is Frankenstein’s monster, coming apart at the seams under the weight of its own contradictions.

Just as the Soviet Union once seemed eternal and monolithic, our commissariat will crumble and suffer the same fate. Each new diktat from the global headquarters alienates more and more people. Centuries ago, French intellectuals met in smoky and crowded salons to discuss the taboo currents of the day, and in the modern era unmoderated Telegram channels and Twitter spaces are springing up with momentous pace. We are outlaws. We are underground. Here in the catacombs a great abused and disenfranchised mass is gathering. All those labouring in the dark to throw a wrench in the infernal apparatus of globalism are here. We are waiting out this long winter – and once these snows melt, we will bring about a new blossoming of freedom. All those who stand for liberty are now my brothers, and this unshakeable fraternity will weather this storm together.

How Coronavirus Took Over the World

March 21, 2021 / admin / 0 Comments

The lexicon of mendacious government platitudes has gained another ignominious entry. “Just three weeks to flatten the curve!” they implored, one long year ago. Yet after twelve months of authoritarianism and state enforced solitude, SWAT teams are swooping in to arrest Miami spring break revellers, and lockdown protests from Amsterdam to Kassel are intensifying across Europe. The much-vaunted vaccines seem to have brought us no closer to freedom. The initial justifications for the suspension of liberty will now undoubtedly rank in history alongside such inglorious slogans as “the troops will be home by Christmas” and “diversity is our strength.” Debates continue to rage about the lethality and the origin of the Coronavirus, but in truth these are largely academic discussions now. The Coronavirus is not primarily an epidemiological phenomenon, but rather a sociological and political one. Our question should not be why has this pandemic happened now, but rather why have governments and societies responded to it as they have?

The truth may be that the Coronavirus did not blink into existence in Wuhan one year ago, but rather it had been incubating in the psyche of modern societies for years. The ease with which populations not only acquiesced to governmental restrictions, but also wilfully demanded more of them, is proof that we had already accepted the premise of the Coronavirus lockdowns into our hearts long ago. It is worth noting that almost all the trends and changes that the Coronavirus has seemingly unleashed are in fact simply an acceleration of what was pre-existing. Atomisation, a retreat from the physical world into the digital, a neurotic collective hysteria in the face of death without a spiritual framework, the expectation that the government will provide, a pseudo-religious belief in experts and scientific redemption, and the hyper-politicisation of communal activity.

In examining the Coronavirus as a social display, rather than as a deadly viral outbreak, it is useful to identify who has consistently resisted the lockdown. Primarily, religious communities within the West have continued their lives largely unhindered. Only a few weeks ago, the Orthodox Jewish stronghold of Stamford Hill in London had the highest rate of Coronavirus in the UK. Likewise, there have been several high-profile cases of Indian and Pakistani weddings and religious festivals being broken up; and it has not gone unnoticed that cities such as Bradford and Leicester with large ethnic minority populations had disproportionately high Covid-rates. It is popular on the right to point to this as an example of the failure of multiculturalism, highlighting as it does that immigrant communities do not abide by the laws of the land, and that governments are too timid to enforce them in any case fearing accusations of racism. These points are of course, both true. But this also perhaps says more about Western host societies than it does about those who have chosen to migrate to them.

Handwringing liberals may attribute this difference in ethnic attitudes to the Coronavirus to a lack of education and resources, or our insensitivity to alternative cultural values. Translated, this simply means that Jewish, Hindu, and Islamic communities have not been morally intimidated by a disease with a median death rate in most cases beyond the average life expectancy; and they also have been unimpressed by the potential for social ostracization if they do not comply. Of course, this may be because they are beyond public reproach in the West, but their response has nevertheless been a perennial, rather than a modern one. Armoured by faith, they have taken a divinely fatalistic view and chosen to continue to celebrate the cycle of life and death – weddings, births, funerals, and birthdays. The shrill cries of moral indignation about the selfishness of killing grandma have much less weight if you have already accepted that your grandparents will die, and you will also. In a world riven by suffering and temporal chaos, they have opted to make lives which are meaningful, rather than to potentially live just that little bit longer in the self-imposed cryostasis of Western societies.

As these religious groupings continue their surreptitious gatherings in the Mosque or Synagogue, hermit Brits dared to leave their womb-like hiding spots to gormlessly clap the NHS, in a pseudo-religious act of worship. Without a metaphysical basis only the quantity rather than the quality of life has any value, and if nurses and doctors are the high priests of this new religion, then they should rightfully be venerated and doted on. The transition from a government of oligarchic middle-managers to the total domination by an unelected scientific cabal was really not that drastic when politics had already been reduced to nothing more than a rationalistic and utilitarian problem-solving exercise. The only thing that political parties seem to disagree on is if the restrictions are tough enough, and if the logistics of policing and vaccination have been sufficiently draconian. No philosophical examinations of the objectives of the lockdown are permitted, but then this is unsurprising in societies which also do not allow the questioning of the sacred cows of demographic replacement, foreign policy misadventures, or the cult of LGBTQ+ rights. The population had already been cowed and pre-programmed to accept new doctrines without question by years of the repression of free speech and independent thought.

This does not however mean that the lockdown is unpopular. If there were to be a democratic vote on it, it is likely in many Western countries it would be sustained well into the future, perhaps even indefinitely. In Japan, huge segments of the population have withdrawn from society entirely, living their lives in their bedrooms, supported by their parents or the state, living in a condition of total social shame, arrested development, and hedonistic consumption. The term for this is Hikikomori. What at first sight may seem an anomaly of Japanese culture, is in fact a glimpse into the future of modern society. We are all Hikikomori now. A significant portion of people are in no rush to return to ‘normality’ because normality for them was simply social isolation and alienation with additional demands placed upon them. What does the outside world offer to these people anymore? The answer for an increasing number is soulless, unnecessary, and unfulfilling corporate jobs in an atomised world where no one around you looks like you, set amid the backdrop of towns and cities which are increasingly globalised and interchangeable.

Sweden is perhaps the most advanced case of this terminal decay of modernity, yet it had the lightest lockdown restrictions in Europe. This at first seems paradoxical, yet in many ways it only bolsters the analysis. With its huge migrant population that for reasons outlined earlier would not respect any restrictions, and with its completely atomised and self-censoring society in which nearly 40% of people live alone, formal legal restrictions were perhaps thought to be unnecessary when the vast majority of the population would self-police following the Jantelagen, and the migrant communities would never be compelled to obey anyway.

All of this illustrates one fundamental realisation: the incentive structures for Western societies have drastically altered over the past few decades. Wealth acquisition, passing on your genes to the next generation, and gaining social standing in the local community has been replaced by virtue signalling and climbing the ladder of social clout in the global, digital community. We live online. Our community is our Twitter feed, our gaming group, our curated Instagram photos. This is of course not a particularly original or compelling assessment by itself, but we must also understand that the nature of digital life has changed. Where once social media was pitched as a medium to connect with and keep in touch with real world friends, it is now a vehicle for conformity, groupthink, and passivity. This is underscored by one subtle, but very important change in the language of social relations. No longer are others friends as they were at the dawn of social media, but are instead now merely followers.

Online social interaction has ceased to be bi-directional and reciprocal; it is that of the devotee and the cult leader. It is a slave and master mentality. It is therefore unlikely a sudden revolt against the popular consensus will spring from those who even in their private online domain are passive cheerleaders. The fact is the physical world has lost its grip over the modern imagination. Going out to earn a living is an almost archaic activity when we are inching towards states so all encompassing that they will provide a universal basic income driven by fiat money printing. The rise of Bitcoin is a reaction to the feeling that our economies are a giant fiction, running up debts that are never intended to be repaid, presided over by a handful of oligarchs with more wealth than we could ever even imagine. Under these conditions, heading outside and into the office seems terribly outmoded. Likewise, in the digital age sex has been relegated to a solo activity as pornography supplants procreation for the Onlyfans generation. In the West there are fewer and fewer communal anchors, as pubs and churches close. All of this contributes to the feeling that there is nothing out there in the world of any value, and so the loss of the freedom to go outside and to associate for many has been more an inconvenience than a matter of life and death.

Life and death, and mortality salience however does play a huge role in the current crisis. Preying on health fears to instil compliance with governmental policy has proven so wildly successful precisely because the population is already so primed to believe that it is at risk. This is because in many ways, it is. An obese, ageing, mentally and chronically ill populace is already well versed with an internalised fear of their own incapacitation and demise. Playing on that is the perfect PR strategy, one that would have been inconceivable in a strong and virile society.

All of these factors have contributed to How the Coronavirus Took Over the World and collectively they spell a long winter for human liberty. The freedoms we have lost may possibly be incrementally restored in the coming months and years, but we have shown ourselves amply willing to abandon our rights and painstakingly slow to ask for them back. There is no reason to believe an event like the Coronavirus could not happen again. We live in an era of chronic, rather than acute politics where narratives linger on for months and years. The underlying cultural and societal malaise, the collective neurosis, and the spiritual death of vast swathes of the West will not quickly be reversed. Our only recourse is to begin to re-root ourselves in a Heideggerian authentic life, to seek out like minded individuals, and to build robust and resilient communities that can thrive in this bleak existential landscape. As others live their lives in stasis, we must instead embrace the world with vigour, and work to take back our collective reality.

Transcendental Titans

Revolt Against Modernity