Transcendental Titans

Revolt Against Modernity

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The Millennial Mindset

Wanderer in the Storm
Wanderer in the Storm, Julius Von Leypold

In any effort to fundamentally change society it is necessary to mobilise the young. The rhetoric on the populist right often invokes notions of the people rising up, yet it rarely dwells too deeply on exactly the profile of such a person who is meant to suddenly spring into rebellion. It could be compelling argued that we are all living in the world created and dominated by the baby boomers. Those born from approximately the mid-1940s to the 1960s continue to maintain a stranglehold on the political landscape of the US, as decrepit Biden (born 1942) battles an aged Trump (born 1946). All mainstream political parties are beholden to the interests of the baby boomers, who vote reliably and control the lion’s share of wealth in Western society. Much ink has been spilled on dissecting and criticising the mindset of the baby boomers, yet serious reflection on the mentality of those under 40 seems largely absent. This is of course a huge oversight for a movement ostensibly seeking massive political changes, as it is exactly this group that has the most to benefit from a total demolition of the existing order.

Some may raise objections to approaching political analysis from the point of view of generations. Drawing neat boundaries between different age cohorts is to an extent arbitrary, and the degree to which across all nations, social classes, and even ethnicities there could be a common experience is up for debate. Yet in an age of hyper-globalisation and the mass adoption of the internet the millennial generation more than any before it has been subjected to a homogenisation of thought and experience. It is telling for example that the BLM movement spread far beyond the confines of the United States. When gauging support for BLM age was a more accurate bellwether than nationality. Social fads no longer seem to respect national boundaries, but they can be observed as generational phenomena. It could even be argued that Trump versus Biden is to a degree a clash of generations, as technically Biden is part of the Silent Generation, whereas Trump is a Baby Boomer. This may explain why Biden’s rhetoric is so incredibly out of step with public opinion, as his touchstones and reference points attempt to appeal to a society that ceased to exist even before the end of Second World War.

All generations are forged by novel experiences, including the technological developments of the day. Undoubtedly, the lives of previous generations were shaped by cotton mills, the steam train, and the machine gun just as our own experience has been shaped by the internet. The rapid increase in the rate of technological development in the 20th century could be a primary determinant in explaining the particularly sharp divides between those born only decades apart. The world of 1914 must have seemed entirely alien to someone born only a few decades prior. It could be said that anyone born from 1900 to 1999 is a child of tumult, a product of immense social, demographic, and technological upheaval and dislocation. The human experience of an individual born in 1066 and one born in 1166 is likely to have been at the very least comparable. Yet it seems in the 20th century decades contained leaps in technology and social attitudes that had taken centuries prior.

Millennials (those born approximately 1980 to 2000) occupy a unique space, a pivot generation who witnessed the tail end of the extraordinary technological and political changes of the 20th century. They are a generation defined by absence: the first generation without religion, living in the aftermath of the fall of the Berlin Wall in which every ideological opponent to liberalism had been defeated and discredited, a total carte blanche generation which identifies more with the media they consume than their own nation. It would be easy to criticise millennials as the petulant man children of history, those who were born at the apogee of liberal freedom and who are now propagating a puritanical woke anti-civilization. Yet to do so would not be to tell the entire story, for to be a millennial is not only to be defined by absence, but to be defined by loss.

Those born in 1980s and 1990s were probably the last to see a homogenous ethnic majority in their own nations, and along with it the vanishing prospects of societal cohesion. They have witnessed the white heat of technology burn to embers. Whether or not technological progress is slowing is difficult to judge, but certainly the perception is that the huge leaps forward that were pioneered in the last century have slowed. Economically their prospects are bleak, they are living a life of arrested development as house prices and the basic cost of living has outpaced the ability to pay for it, and generational wealth has not been handed down but either hoarded or squandered by their parents.

The penchant of millennials to smother themselves in nostalgia for their childhood from Harry Potter to Nintendo is understandable if one accepts the premise that by nearly all metrics, they have watched the world decline as they matured. The millennial experience has been one in which they have lacked any agency or political voice; there was no major student movement comparable to May 1968 orchestrated by millennials, even though millennial grievances in terms of wealth inequality and the general decay of the world seem to be far more compelling. Passivity is a hallmark of millennialdom, with the primary pastimes being consuming media from video games to Netflix originals. Yet this passivity is again a product of bitter disappointment, cyberspace was trumpeted as the next evolution of global society, an escape from the ills of the past in which unmediated communication would allow our collective imaginations to build unparalleled worlds – and for a time, it did.

But the same corporate interests, political busybodies, and paucity of ideas and imagination that has ruined conventional society soon poisoned the internet, and now millennials are consuming YouTube shorts and TikToks in the same way aging alcoholics lean on cheap booze as their crutch. As millennials enter their 30s and 40s, a great wellspring of bitterness is developing as it becomes clear the generation that was promised everything has nothing and the prospect of them getting anything remains remote. Millennials have been robbed of the demographic and political stability they took for granted as children, and been left with economic, environmental, and social ruin by the generations before them who pursued their short-term gain at the expense of posterity.

It is a bugbear of the mainstream Right that millennials overwhelmingly support socialist policies and politically left parties. But this is unsurprising when one considers the economic situation they find themselves in; they have been shafted by mainstream political parties across the West relentlessly. They have lived their entire lives without the Conservatives or the Republicans ever enacting one policy that might benefit them personally, and these parties still refuse to address any of the concerns facing anyone under 40 today. Their loss is our opportunity. As an increasingly disaffected generation seeks answers and righteous political redress, we must be in position to offer solutions. There will be no more talk of “pulling yourself up by the bootstraps.” For good and for ill the baby boomers have been a roadblock to radical change, intransigent on economic and social policies that would alter society, seeing no reason to do so while they had their money and their freedom. Yet their time is ending, the dam is breaking and the flood of frustration and polarisation that will follow will present opportunities as well as potential disasters.

All millennials are liberals separated only by degrees of liberalism. They have been raised in a world with no alternative. They have fallen prey to fads such as transgenderism and critical race theory because they have no strong identity, no overall unifying characteristics beyond the shared media they have consumed. They are fundamentally unserious, Marvel-brained and addled by being the first generation to be subjected to an overwhelming barrage of pornography of all kinds. They have been deskilled by the importation of third world labour and the outsourcing of jobs, while being offered subsistence welfare to keep them placid. They are totally deracinated and ignorant of history. They have had no need for collective consciousness. Yet this can all change. Generations are malleable, and shared experiences can be used as reference points to guide the psychological and political development of age cohorts.

In purely pragmatic terms there is no utility in simply complaining about the nature of millennials, they have been shaped by an unprecedented alignment of negative circumstances. Yet we must never lose sight of the fact that it is only with their support that we can truly change the world for the better, and movements that ignore this fact are doomed to fail. The MAGA movement is an expression of baby boomer values clashing with a world that has changed. MAGA wants to appeal to constitutionalism and the good old values of free speech and fair play that have always allowed the Republican party to muddle through to its electoral college dependent victories. Our platform and pitch to the youth must be radical and holistic.

We must state clearly that we will destroy usury and unseat the usurers that have robbed this generation of its wealth. We will not reform but totally destroy the political system that has enabled the dismal circumstances that we now find ourselves in. We will provide homes for those who have only ever known rent serfdom; we will provide jobs that pay wages worth having in a society that is not flooded by economically competing interlopers. Above all, we will provide a metaphysical beacon for a generation that has spent its entire adult life lost at sea. We will re-root millennials in the great tree of life that is our race, and in doing so finally give them the purpose they have so desperately lacked. We must never lose sight of the future, nor unfairly chastise the wayward youth of our race, but instead we must shepherd them back onto the upward path, and in so doing secure our continued existence.

The Age of Apocalypses

Josef Rebell – Sea Storm at the Arco di Miseno

“But the peasants – how do the peasants die?” – Leo Tolstoy

The sky is falling. We are bombarded daily with dire warnings: the planet is dying, nuclear hellfire is imminent, the global economy is collapsing, and AI will at best make us unemployed, and at worst destroy the human essence of society. Politics has fragmented into a collection of competing doomsday cults, each offering its own dystopian apocalypse that must be acknowledged as the primary threat to humanity itself. Rather than galvanizing the masses to collective action to avert these imagined or real catastrophes, the public is increasingly succumbing to apathy and inaction, paralysed by the sheer multitude and enormity of the problems facing them and their perceived total lack of ability to ameliorate these crises. This downward shift in the collective consciousness has profound implications for those seeking to manifest change in the world. In such a period of mass neurosis, the demographic replacement of whites simply becomes one disaster amongst the myriad.

Often white advocates are frustrated that despite the replete and growing examples of the failure of multiculturalism from terrorist attacks to unmanageable and endless migrant flows, large sections of our people fail to acknowledge the problem. This is at best a partial truth. While it could be argued that in the 1980s or even the 1990s that many of our people were genuinely unaware of the problems of multiculturalism, or at the very least the true extent of them, in 2023 those living in true ignorance are a vanishingly small group. The question for those who have not accepted our credo is now no longer whether our claims that demographic replacement is occurring are true, but whether this matters more than the other pressing problems society faces. This conclusion will be anathema to many on the radical Right, who will state that it is self-evident that the extinction of our ethnic group is the most salient problem of our time, and all other problems are downstream of this. If we could simply regain control of the levers of power, all other problems could be overcome, the argument goes.

The inconvenient truth is that for many people, this line of logic is not self-evident. The connection between saving the white race and solving the crushing problems they face on a day-to-day basis is a tangential one. It is the case that huge numbers may well even agree with us that mass migration and demographic decline are grave social ills, but when faced with nosediving standards of living and economic prosperity, a rapidly degrading environment, and the prospect of global conflict this seems a secondary priority. Even the avenues by which action to avert demographic disaster might be taken seem doubtful and fraught with intractable problems. How can voting for nationalist parties be a solution when the electoral system itself has been called into question? What difference does the ethnic composition of your neighbourhood make if tyrannical technocrats can institute global lockdowns and trample the freedom of all, regardless of race? And what solution can white advocacy offer when the most important active war in the world is one which is intra-European?

Our political work must be informed by an understanding that globalisation is not only an economic process, but a psychological one. Where once the scale of reference for the average individual was local or national, in an interconnected world even the most parochial minds are not immune to thinking on a planetary scale. This shift has manifested itself recently in Elon Musk raising the problem of falling birthrates – not amongst whites, but as a global process heralding disaster not only in the West, but in countries as disparate as India, China, and Japan. It was not that long ago that aging populations and vanishing countries were spoken of as exclusively a problem inherent to dying Western societies, but now infertility has gone global as a trapping of modern materialism and its seemingly inevitable reproductive dysfunction. This has given rise to a deracinated pro-natal argument: a fall in global population will be a disaster for us all, and it will disproportionately affect higher-IQ countries.

This white noise has muddied the waters of our efforts to make the case that European countries should stay European. It is in part a function of an over reliance on purely utilitarian arguments which state we should save our ethnic group because we are statistically on the average more productive and more intelligent. If our arguments for our continued existence are solely based on materialist claims, they are open to relativist subversion. We must animate our people not only by logical and rational claims, but by also making metaphysical and emotional appeals. Our group is not monolithic; there is no single approach that will inspire every individual to urgent action. Our platform must be multifaceted and focus on activating a broad base.

We must also acknowledge we are being buffeted by tremendous countervailing psychologically demoralising and malicious attempts to prey on our racial sense of morality and fairness. While Elon may have positioned himself as the most well known pro-natal advocate, huge swathes of our people have bought into the idea that global population decline is in fact a desirable outcome, to save the planet from total destruction. In the infertility arms race we are simply ahead of the pack; we are making a Christ like sacrifice by lessening our own numbers to save humanity writ large. And we are doing so with total moral authority because whiteness itself has been vilified to the point that many of our people are deeply afraid of it.

It is not hyperbole to state that for a significant proportion of our group Whiteness itself is in fact another disaster, associated only with injustice, genocide, slavery, and oppression. While we can complain that this is a psychological operation foisted on us by malevolent outside groups with our worst interests at heart, this does not lessen the reality of the pervasiveness of this neurosis. Pointing out a fear is irrational rarely dispels that fear in the minds of those who have a deeply ingrained phobia. We cannot heal the souls of such people by impotently complaining that our enemies wage psychological war upon us, but only by winning this tug of war taking place in the shared imagination of our folk.

The 2019 horror movie Midsommar presented a folkish, bucolic, homogenous and traditional Swedish society as the setting for occult murder and inbred evil traditions, building on the demonisation of similar themes in the Wicker Man of 1973. It may seem laughable to those involved in dissident right politics that the traditional modes of living our ancestors enjoyed are scary to many of our people today, while multicultural cities where crime and terrorism are increasingly frequent are not, but nevertheless this narrative has warped the psyche of our people. This gets to the heart of the problem with our strategy. We can devote huge amounts of time and energy to pointing out racial crime statistics, individual acts of interracial violence, and examples of social breakdown and degeneracy, but ultimately, we have been unable to terrorise our people with messianic visions of disaster as well as our opponents have done. Put simply, we cannot move the needle in our direction by adding more woes to an already embattled and beleaguered collective consciousness. Our enemies are too proficient in wielding and distributing despair.

If we cannot win the battle to present the most convincing apocalypse, we must instead adopt another tack. We must strike back with the most potent weapons in our arsenal: hope and inspiration. In an epoch of disasters defined by the almost unanimous belief that nothing can be fixed, and everything will get worse, we must be the voice of spiritual renewal and racial resurrection. We must set our sights higher – we should not only make the nebulous claim that we will save our people, but also, we will make for them a world worth living in. If our enemies say that whiteness is only a force of destruction and evil, we must conclusively prove them to be liars by our words and deeds. If our flock is threatened by the howling of distant wolves, it is incumbent upon us to take up the role of shepherds, herding them away from dangers both imagined and real.     

In all that we do, we must emulate the example of Gabriele D’Annunzio in his daring 1918 ariel raid behind enemy lines over the city of Vienna, risking his life to drop tens of thousands of propaganda leaflets to a stunned and ostensibly hostile audience. We must embrace the theatre of the grand gesture which ignites the imagination of all who witness it. We must be a relentless whirlwind of energy and hope, delivering the unwavering message that we will not only secure our existence, but we will fix the economy, we will restore the environment, we will bend technology to our ends, and not become subservient to it. We will resolve the fratricidal conflicts of our age, and at the eleventh hour, we will save the world from disaster.

It may seem a fantastical and naïve approach to claim we will fix the world, when we are so far in the wilderness, lacking the power or resources to implement even one policy in our favour. Yet if our people are wracked by huge doubts, if their waking nightmares are so terrifying, half-measures are useless. We must take a defibrillator to the heart of our people; we must administer a psycho- spiritual EpiPen to a race in anaphylactic shock. Whiteness has been the organising principle and engine of history for millennia, it is not we who are the ones who are attempting the impossible by returning to this state of affairs, but our opponents who are doomed to failure by trying to remake the world without us. The genius strategy of European evolution has always depended on the explosive imagination of a few heroic individuals, and it is time for us to accept this mantle of responsibility once again. If our people cannot envisage a future for themselves, it is time for us to articulate one for them to believe in. In a world of rack and ruin, where all seems lost, we must be the lighthouse, the shining beacon, guiding our people home and out of their deep despair in The Age of Apocalypses.

The Enduring Appeal of Jonathan Bowden

It is fair to say that Jonathan Bowden lived an unconventional life: bohemian intellectual, artist, filmmaker, Cultural Officer for the British National Party, and raconteur par excellence. It is also fair to say that he is now enjoying an unconventional death, with his posthumous presence being preserved in a dedicated archive of his speeches and writings, in disparate dissident group chats, and in the hundreds of creative edits of the recordings he left behind. This staying power is quite a remarkable achievement in the age of the amnesiac internet, where trends blink in and out of existence and figures rise and fall in the space of months, if not weeks. Many of Bowden’s quotes, ranging from the profound to the surreal, have become beloved mantras in the radical Right’s lingua franca. Whether it is the appeal to “Clear them out!” or the prescient observation that the United Kingdom’s gig economy would be staffed by Albanians on small motorbikes, Bowden has pervaded the collective consciousness. This begs the question: How did he manage it?

At first sight to an objective observer, Bowden perhaps seems an unlikely candidate for cult internet celebrity status: a middle-aged man addressing tiny gatherings in grotty British pubs about half-forgotten figures of the Right. It’s hardly something that one would expect to resonate in the Netflix era. This is compounded further by the typically quite amateur production values of most of the recordings, and the thorny issue of Bowden’s own academic credentials to speak on such topics in the first place. Whatever the reasons, it seems that Bowden never obtained any formal academic degree, despite having enrolled at both the University of Birkbeck and Cambridge University. If Bowden’s detractors and even some of his close associates are to be believed, he could charitably be described as having embellished the facts about both his formal academic training and his personal life.

The case could be made that the Right is replete with many speakers, both living and dead, who are both more qualified and more deserving of the attention Bowden has received. Vice President of the Traditional Britain Group (TBG) Gregory Lauder-Frost distills a certain brand of traditional conservative contempt for Bowden when he describes him as a weirdo who lived in a filthy caravan and who had an “astonishing” appearance. Lauder-Frost has further asserted that Bowden was thrown out of the conservative Monday Club for fabricating almost every claim about himself and his involvement in the Conservative Party.

Ben Sixsmith echoes some of these conservative reservations about Bowden in his own essay on his legacy, surmising that in many areas he simply went too far. Yet, these criticisms are in actuality the basis for Bowden’s enduring appeal, not the damning critiques his opponents may think they are. It is true that Bowden was a fantasist and a dreamer, lacking in formal qualifications, but it is exactly this fluidity of thought and absence of rigid academic thinking that has made him fascinating to a wider audience. It is also true that Bowden couldn’t be constrained by the suffocating, deadening influence of the traditional conservative mold. So much the better.

There are many capable intellectuals who can deliver informative and well-researched lectures on thinkers such as Heidegger, Evola, and Nietzsche, and there is certainly no shortage of pop-commentators and would-be analysts who make their living by giving their takes on contemporary events. Yet Bowden managed to bridge the gap between these two disciplines, expounding on lofty intellectual topics while relating them to current affairs and real issues that affect the lives of ordinary people. His mixture of devastating deconstruction of the ruling elite, deep intellectual insights, and dark and earthy English sarcasm and humor allowed him to keep white working-class audiences engaged in a way that a conventional, dry academic simply would not have been able to.

It is not only his breadth of knowledge and trademark oratory style that has granted Bowden his lasting appeal, but his radicalism. It is perhaps surprising that an individual who stated openly that “there’s nothing wrong with fascism” has managed to break out of the cordon sanitaire of the internet’s dark recesses and reach a new generation of younger YouTubers and Twitter users. Yet in another sense, in an epoch where society seems in terminal decline, only the most radical options have the burning fire of appeal to young and old alike. Fascism is not an ideology defined by a verbose theory, but by action. Bowden embodied fascism’s kinetic energy by being not only an intellectual, but by giving himself fully to vanguard party politics. Despite the advice of his friends, he involved himself with the British National Party (BNP), which in the period he was its Cultural Officer represented a vital and unrepentantly radical option for change in British politics. While some have stated that Bowden wasn’t cut out for party politics — and it is undeniable that his stint in the BNP ended in disaster — this doesn’t detract from the fact that he was prepared to knock on doors and ask the public at large to vote for an explicitly ethnonationalist party.

This is emblematic of Bowden’s most appealing quality: his sincerity. In an age awash with post-modernism and post-irony, Bowden preached radical principles and acted on them in the sincere belief that another future was possible. In his way, he perhaps came closer than almost any of us has to achieving this future in an era when the BNP was gathering almost a million votes in the European elections and winning seats in local government across the United Kingdom. The degree to which Bowden was influential in generating this populist momentum is debatable, but it is undeniable that British electoral politics of that period had a febrile, electrified quality in which the establishment were genuinely and hysterically afraid of a political party that had an explicitly all-white and pro-white party constitution. Bowden’s talks, and thus his lasting appeal, are inextricably linked to this moment in history when it seemed change was not only possible, but probable.

At his core, and similar to almost all great individuals, Bowden had a paradoxical character. While he was involved in what was ostensibly a populist party, he was instrumental in intellectualizing the ethnonationalist movement and inculcating elitist values. It is difficult now for those who have joined the movement more recently to grasp how far in the intellectual wasteland nationalist thinking was in the 1980s and ‘90s. Conservatives had intellectuals, while nationalists had skinheads and the salt-of-the-earth working-class voters. By rediscovering and advocating for a pantheon of radical cultural figures from Wyndham Lewis to Thomas Carlyle, Bowden helped lay the foundations for a more serious, more reflective, and ultimately more durable philosophical foundation for our political work. While it could be said that the movement today is in fact too intellectual, and has become too good for the messy world of real political action, that is our own failure in abandoning the Bowdenite principles of intellectually informed action in favor of endless navel-gazing and impotent introspection.

What, then, can we take away from Bowden’s continued relevance in an age where so many others have been forgotten? We must continue to take ideas seriously and commit ourselves to the ongoing process of intellectual archeology, to the great work of reviving the constellation of European thinkers, and to returning to the wellspring of ideas that have always fueled our multiple renaissances. We must resist calls to moderate our views, but instead choose the most radical option. We must understand that is not enough to simply believe in an alternative future, but we must fight for it by taking our ideas to the masses, albeit without compromising on our ideological principles.

Above all, we must remain optimistic. Despite being touched by melancholy and personal disaster, Bowden never lost faith in the ability of Europe and Europeans to achieve metaphysical and demographic revival. While we can only speculate on what insights he would have had into contemporary events from Trump to the Russo-Ukrainian War, we must honor his memory by taking up the mantle and leading our revolutionary vanguard to new heights.

Bowden may be gone, but his spirit and infectious energy lives on. In a world that invites us to be passive, docile, and to be a mere spectator in the political process, we must choose instead to be gladiators, and to live up to his words: England and Britain forever!

Springtime in Tallinn

Alexey Bogolyubov – Port of Tallinn, 1853

Last weekend I had the pleasure of attending the Scandza Forum in Tallinn, Estonia. In his opening address to the conference, organiser Frodi Midjord stated that he had chosen Tallinn as a venue because it showcases the best of Europe, architecturally, culturally, and demographically. In this respect, the location was most certainly well chosen – with an unseasonably pleasant sun shining on the Hanseatic jewel of the North, surrounded by friends old and new, it was hard not to feel a sense of optimism and camaraderie as we strolled the medieval cobbled streets of the City of Spires. Yet I must admit that I returned to Estonia for the first time in several years with trepidation in my heart, because while the Spring sun framed the beauty of the land, a catastrophic political storm has been brewing, and it is just now making its destructive landfall.

Estonia is a small country, small enough that the first person I encountered upon leaving my apartment was none other than Martin Helme, leader of Estonia’s Conservative People’s Party (EKRE). He was on his way to the Estonian Parliament (Riigikogu) to continue a marathon unprecedented political deadlock, in which the EKRE and several other opposition parties are running a continuous filibuster to stymie the policies of recently re-elected Prime Minister Kaja Kallas and her liberal Reform Party. On the surface, the ostensible disagreement seems politics as usual; Kallas is attempting to increase taxes and cut services amid Estonia’s skyrocketing inflation and ailing economy. Yet this is no ordinary political disagreement, but a battle for the very soul of Estonia, because the platform of the Reform Party is one which seeks to radically and irreversibly transform the nature of Estonian society.

Amid the medley of economic bills there are proposals to implement new hate speech legislation, to legalise same sex marriage, and to continue to encourage immigration to Estonia, which in 2022 saw its lowest natural birth rate in a century and highest levels of migration to date. Even the nature of the constitution and electoral system has been called into question, with Martin Helme contending that Estonia’s entirely online voting system has been rigged, and with the government potentially planning to end the current opposition in the Riigikogu by extraordinary legal means. Kallas and her Reform Party thus represent the most fanatical embodiment of the neoliberal cultural terror machine, trampling on the freedoms, rights, demographics and even the architectural and cultural heritage of the nation.

This story is perhaps par for the course in most Western states, yet it takes on a particular poignance in Estonia, this tiny nation in which there are fewer than a million ethnic Estonians, who have for millennia struggled for their sovereignty and ethnic continuity. The Estonian constitution states that its aim is to “[…] guarantee the preservation of the Estonian people, the Estonian language and the Estonian culture through the ages.”[1] By this token the Reform Party and Kallas represent a metaphysical sickness, a betrayal of the tribe, which in times of old would result in being cast into the deep swampy bogs of the primeval land.

The rapidity with which Estonia is changing prompts the question, why has this happened now? It is tempting to answer that both the individual and the moment have coincided. Kallas is the daughter of former Estonian Prime Minister and later European Commissioner Siim Kallas. Kallas herself has an impeccable degree as Eurocrat, serving as a member of European Parliament prior to her election. There is no doubt she is motivated by living a life dominated by liberal technocratic values. Yet the on-going war in Ukraine has also allowed her to mobilise the historically informed Estonian national neurosis about a potential Russian invasion, and enabled her to describe her opponents as simultaneously Hitler and Putin. It may simply be the case that many Estonians dislike her policies, but they have chosen to trade freedom for supposed security, hoping multinational institutions such as the EU and NATO will shield them. Whether this is true or not is up for spirited debate, but it is undoubtedly the case that liberal politicians are exploiting this issue as the Trojan horse with which to fundamentally change Estonian society.

This is not the full explanation, however. In truth it is likely that if it was not Kallas and the Reform Party implementing this agenda, another party and politician would have taken up the cause. Estonia has been targeted for the very reasons that brought we dissidents to gather there this weekend. For our enemies, it is unacceptable for a homogenous, peaceful, and traditional European society to be allowed to continue to exist unmolested. The problem with beauty is that it attracts envious eyes and envious empires, and throughout Estonian history imperial domination has come from a dizzying array of powers and ideologies. Swedes, Danes, Russians, Germans, have all sought to remake Estonia. The Teutonic Knights imposed Christianity on Estonia by the sword, and the Soviet Union attempted to subsume it into its warped vision of egalitarian utopia. It is now the turn of the hegemonic neoliberal empire to try and remake the Estonian people, and if they succeed it may well be the definitive end for a tribe that has survived innumerable wars and privations.

If we are being honest with ourselves, we cannot entirely say that a shadowy cabal has imposed this fate on the Estonian people. Many of them are collaborating, not for security and safety, but out of pure avaricious greed; a gold lust that has infected the heart of a segment of the population. They have willingly cast down the peasant built Estonian cabins and erected glass cathedrals to capitalism; they have eagerly severed their roots to the tree of life. In Estonia’s hour of need, this flock of Iscariots have thrown the gates open, for nothing more than a few pieces of silver. These app-brained cretins have sold their birth right for cheap taxi rides and immigrant delivered fast food. They will not only be answerable to St Peter, but to every Estonian who has ever lived and sacrificed and died; in the final account to their ancestors, they will be found wanting. Spiritual oblivion awaits them.

Yet this is not a tale of national lament. Estonia is being made an example of precisely because of its spirit of resistance. It is not incidental that the speeding up of the processes of national destruction accelerated once Estonia elected Martin Helme and his EKRE Party to government in 2019. By doing so, Estonia drew the eye of Sauron and the ire of globalist elites. Most recent polling data suggests that the EKRE is now neck and neck with Kallas’ Reform Party. The battle for the soul of the nation has only just begun, and we must never underestimate the Estonian people’s will to survive and control their own destiny.   

It may well be that far from being a tale of woe, Estonia will be a beacon to ethnonationalists around the world because in a small country, it is possible to make big changes. The problems of the UK and the US often seem so massive, so impersonal, and so intractable that a single individual or small group cannot effectively make a difference. Of course, ultimately our aim is to retake all of our homelands, but from small stones come avalanches. It is popular amongst some sections of the right to deride ‘petty nationalism’ and to dream of a united European imperium, or the repurposing of institutions such as NATO and the EU for our own ends. It is said that small nations will always be prisoners of geography, simply the weak suffering what the mighty may do to them. But this forgets that small tribes are the indivisible building blocks of great institutions and that if things have gone wrong in the organisation of our world, then perhaps the solution is not that of monolithic institutionalism, but of tribal confederation.

Estonian identity is not to be found in elaborate palaces or awe-inspiring castles. There is nothing on the scale of Neuschwanstein Castle or Belvedere Palace here. The essence of being Estonian is found in the taste of black rye bread, the appreciation of the uniqueness of the Baltic quality of light and the skyscape as its orange hues light up the bay of Tallinn; in the quiet excitement and kinship of hearing the gentle lilt of the Estonian language being spoken when abroad. It is found in the music of Veljo Tormis and Arvo Pärt, which stems from introspection in Estonia’s ancient birch forests. This conception of national identity may seem quaint to those who extol only the Faustian conquering martial European spirit, but these indelible shared experiences may well form bonds strong enough to withstand yet another attempt to reforge the people by an alien and destructive ideology.

In his address to the Scandza Forum, former EKRE MP Ruuben Kaalep noted that Estonia’s national epic Kalevipoeg ends with the prediction that the mythical king of Estonia will one day return. Well, each Estonian that now stands against those who would destroy the tribe in his own way represents the return of the king, regardless of his social station. By resisting he demonstrates a royalty of a noble soul, which contrasts against the degenerate merchant spirit of those who seek to trade away the nation.

This weekend’s gathering also demonstrates that Estonians do not fight alone. All European and European founded nations face the same fundamental problems and destructive processes. Whether you live in Tallinn or Toronto, we are all engaged in the same struggle. Much is made of the difference and conflicts between branches of the European family, but throughout our history on matters of true importance we have co-operated as much as we have competed. England’s Canterbury cathedral was designed by a Frenchman, and this is often the case for many of our greatest architectural treasures. Innumerable European nationalities fought and died in the struggle against Bolshevism. The modern conception of liberal internationalism is of course a negative and a destructive one, but the antidote to it is a network of nationalists operating internationally.

Herein lies the ultimate value of face-to-face events, especially in the lonely and atomised post-Covid world. History belongs to those who show up, and while speeches may give food for thought, they are often soon forgotten, but the bonds of fellowship made can endure a lifetime. It is heartening to meet other informed, serious patriots whether they are Finnish, Icelandic, American, Swiss, Faroese, or British. Ultimately Estonia’s fate will be decided by Estonians – but it is nevertheless encouraging to see how many others from around the world are willing it on to succeed in its mission to remain a country to be emulated and envied, rather than to be pitied.

The unjustified denial of entry to Europe of Jared Taylor to address the conference, and the conviction of James Allchurch in the United Kingdom for the crime of nothing more than podcasting are sobering reminders of both the seriousness and stakes of our cause, as well as the fate that will befall Estonia if it surrenders its freedoms. But I remain steadfast in the belief that in this small nation we can strike a mighty blow against the forces of darkness, if we all redouble our efforts to preserve our people and heritage, we can not only save Estonia, but all of our nations.


Big Trouble in the Little Baltic: How Capital Wrecks Nations

As the world continues to convulse in economic and military strife, the tiny Baltic nation of Estonia is unlikely to be topping the thoughts of policy makers or the global public. Yet sometimes by looking at the small details of world politics, we can gain huge insights into the coming macro trends. By nature, commentators on the Dissident Right tend to think in sweeping concepts such as imperial glory and the battle for global hegemony, but there is another quiet form of nationalism; the simple will of small nations that wish to be left alone to pursue their own destiny, without revanchist ambitions or jingoistic pomp. While great powers struggle for domination, the minor nations of the world seek only to survive in a hostile and ever shifting political landscape. They have looked on in horror as Russia attempts to redraw the borders of Ukraine by military might, acutely aware that they could be next.

It is thus perhaps unsurprising that Estonia has been one of the most ardent supporters of the Ukrainian cause, donating well over 300 million Euros to it, nearing 1% of its total GDP, while also incurring an inflation rate of 21% in part by refusing to accept Russian oil and gas. At first glance, the reasons for pursuing this policy of solidarity seem altruistic and self-sacrificial, one small nation supporting the independence of another second-tier power, viewing it as a joint struggle against the forces of Russian neo-imperialism. Indeed, prior to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the ‘Narva scenario’ whereby Russia would weaponize the 90% ethnic Russian population of the Estonian city of Narva as a pretext to dismember the Estonian state was often discussed as Russia’s logical next step in its expansionist programme. It is a common belief that only the shield of EU and NATO membership has saved Baltic independence, and even this is tenuous protection.

Before the outbreak of current hostilities, RAND Corporation war gaming exercises posited that a Russian invasion of Estonia would be limited only by logistical concerns, with the Estonian capital of Tallinn estimated to be under threat a mere 60 hours after a hypothetical invasion began. With this existential threat in mind, it seems unsurprising that Estonia has been one of the most Europhilic and slavish adopters of the liberal order, with the current Prime Minister Kaja Kallas being a former EU Commissioner, a total embodiment of prim and proper adherence to global norms. At the same time, Estonia now has its first billionaire, as the country markets itself as a glittering tech and banking hub, with a new business district dominating central Tallinn’s skyline. E-Estonia as the government touts it, is thus a model citizen of the new world order and has become so in part because it believes its survival depends on being such.

Yet this raises troubling questions about the nature of sovereignty and survival. Both the Dissident Right and liberal policy makers view the most pressing threats to survival as external. For the rightist, it is immigration that destroys nations; it seems irrefutable that changing a nation’s population will irrevocably change its character. And for the liberal, if a nation falls under the dominion of a supposed rogue state like Russia, for all practical purposes it ceases to exist. But I wish to make the case that nations are not destroyed from without, but instead are in fact first destroyed from within.

Estonia is a nation with a history of millennia of invasions and occupations, from Teutonic crusades to Swedish imperial domination, as well as centuries of Russian and Soviet rule which killed in excess of 30% of the country’s entire population, scattering a huge diaspora to the four corners of the earth. And yet Estonia is still here, free, and independent. The bill of nationhood has been paid in blood, whether in the doomed peasant uprising against Teutonic rule on St George’s Night in 1343, or the equally catastrophic total mobilisation of the Estonian population to repel the oncoming Soviet onslaught in 1944. To be Estonian is to be imbued with a pathological and irrepressible will to be free, a kamikaze tribe who has again and again thrown itself into battle against totally unwinnable odds, and remarkably endured despite unspeakable hardships. Invasion then, seems an unlikely final end for the Estonian people, who have demonstrated time and time again an unshakable determination not to be remade, by empires or by ideologies. Amid the vast expanse of birch trees and bogs, a quiet and seemingly unimportant people simply wish to be left to their insular introspection.

But in every nation, there exists a segment of the population who survive not by resistance, but by collaboration. In each branch of our European family, there are rotten apples, driven by avarice who view survival not in collectivist, but individual terms. When the invaders come, they accommodate and embrace them, whether those invaders are foreign powers or economic migrants. Estonia may now be free, but sometimes the greatest disaster in life is to be granted what we most desperately desire. Those on the Dissident Right often view demographic integrity as the benchmark of a nation’s well-being, assessing changes in the percentages of native and foreign populations as relative indicators of health and sickness. This is a flawed metric, however. Mass migration is the late stage of a disease that has metastasized. It is the outward expression of a culture and people in decay, but the rot sets in far before the first immigrant has ever set foot inside a nation’s border.

It is common to explain away the willingness of some segments of our people to sell out their nation by stating that foreign and malevolent actors control their minds; that the machinations of evil cabals poison the hearts of the weak-willed. This is sadly a naïve interpretation of the world. It is true, we have many enemies constantly working to subvert and destroy our people, but they can only be successful because greedy and misguided individuals from within our ranks open the gate for them. And once the gate is opened, it is rarely ever closed again. The resulting change occurs within the relative blink of an eye, catching the patriots off guard and unprepared.

If one were simply to take demographics and national homogeneity as the gold standard of a nation’s health, Estonia could be said to be, by contemporary Western standards, a relatively well nation. Despite its large Russian population, mass emigration, and anaemic birth rates, the core population remains Estonian. Mass public displays of nationalism are encouraged, whether at the hugely popular Song Festival held every five years, or at the flag waving celebrations of Independence Day. Those living in Western countries where such mass displays of ethnic solidary are at best suspect, and at worst de facto banned may be envious. But make no mistake, Estonia has changed.

In 2002, Estonia unveiled a monument to Estonian members of the Wehrmacht and Waffen SS who fought against Soviet occupation, sparking international outrage. In 2011 a criminal case was launched against the organisers of a marathon on the island of Saaremaa that wished to ban black runners, while a year later in 2012, the deputy-editor of the Estonian paper Eesti Ekspress had to apologise after running a mock ad for weight loss pills featuring images of concentration camp inmates. These disparate incidents are not expressions of hate and supremacy, but rather indicate that Estonians took the notions of free speech and sovereignty in a spirit of almost childlike naivety, safe in the belief that it was their country, and they could do, and say what they want. They are time capsules from a nation with no experience of liberal thought and speech policing; a nation which threw off Soviet totalitarianism and was joyfully revelling in an atmosphere of unbridled freedom. But no nation is an island.

In 2017 a Wikileaks document highlighted the US embassy was promoting diversity in Estonia. But this foreign intervention pales in comparison to the de facto coup that was organised in 2020. Martin Helme, then Finance Minister and leader of the Estonian Conservative People’s Party (EKRE) cast doubt on the integrity of US elections, leading then Prime Minister Jüri Ratas to resign on unrelated corruption charges, collapsing the government coalition and thus thwarting Helme’s plans to hold a national referendum on defining marriage as exclusively between a man and woman, which would have headed off the potential legalisation of same sex marriage in Estonia. In the West we are of course by now no strangers to deep state chicanery, but for Estonia this represented the crossing of the Rubicon, the conclusive and definitive end to that brief belief that in a free and largely homogenous country, a people can pursue their own self-determination.

This coup however cannot be blamed entirely on the intervention of Western powers, to examine what had changed in the Estonian psyche it is necessary to look at another scandal which is not political, but artistic. In 2019 the video game Disco Elysium was released, proving to be an unexpected critical and commercial success, designed by Estonian Robert Kurvitz with the backing of the Estonian ZA/UM cultural collective. Unlike most modern video games, it was a triumph of narrative, originality, introspection, and humour – a piece of art totally Estonian in nature, that was a meditation on the human condition, shot through with a deeply Baltic sense of place. While the team that created it are speculated to harbour leftist sympathies, its artistic merits transcend any reductionist evaluation. Like all great works of art, it is open to interpretation.

In 2022, it was revealed that Kurvitz and his team had been fired from the studio they founded, and there is now an acrimonious and on-going legal battle between Kurvitz and the financial hyenas who have taken control of both the studio and its intellectual property. While the full details of the case remain opaque, it reveals that Estonia has reached the apogee of liberal statehood, it not only has a corrupt homegrown political class willing to topple governments to thwart the will of the people, but it also has a predatory financial class who will gleefully crush art for profit. The simple wooden peasant cabins that were the backdrop of Tallinn’s sleepy streets have been demolished now, replaced by modern high-rise buildings. The first immigrants can now be seen working in fast food restaurants in the capital, while the new tech elite push for a loosening of citizenship and migration rules to bolster the labour force. One only must look to the Republic of Ireland to see how quickly the transformation will take place.

But while the corruption and greed of those who would willingly sell out their countrymen runs deep; their machinations are not completed yet. This is not a lament, but an appeal. The best cure for the scourge of liberal multiculturalism is preventive, to never let the case develop in the first place. Estonia is travelling down a dark path, from which there will be no return. Thousands of years of struggle will be lost, more assuredly than in the case of foreign invasion if the traitors are allowed to continue to dominate the nation. Do not allow them to fleece your birth right with honeyed words promising security and prosperity. Instead embrace the raw-boned folkish peasant tenacity of those forest dwelling Estonians who since time immemorial have refused to be remade; refused to collaborate with any occupiers foreign or domestic despite the insurmountable odds.

As a dislodged Estonian, the product of centuries of those stubborn and sturdy tillers of the earth, I am calling on the great Kalevic tribe to once again pull off another superhuman act of collective defiance. Together we can sweep the Eurocrats and land rapists into the dustbin of history. They will be righteously judged in the hall of our ancestors who they have betrayed, valuing our people only in terms of shekels and dollars. And to all those nationalists who are unconcerned with the fate of foreign and tiny nations, far from their thoughts, it is time to reconsider your duty. The avarice corrupting the heart of the Estonian elite is the same one which tempts Polish politicians to import Filipino workers; the exact strain that has poisoned the Emerald Island and so noticeably darkened Dublin. If we are true advocates for our people, we stand with them everywhere, united as one unbreakable front, casting out those who would betray us, those who would let their people suffer for nothing more than mere personal enrichment. Capital may wreck nations, but only if the people allow it to do so. We will never allow it. Eestlane olen ja eestlaseks jään!

The Not So Radical Right

As 2022 comes to a close, we can look back on a year replete with good tidings for our movement. The seemingly total grip our overlords exerted via their control of the narrative has been shattered utterly. Their corruption has been irrefutably exposed to the masses, from the futility, wastefulness, and mendacity of the Covid-19 response to the deep state’s efforts to subvert the public discourse through bribes to social media giants. As we enter 2023, it seems that there are now more dissidents than ever and that there is an undeniable human tidal wave of those opposed to the global order and its machinations. Yet while many good things have come from 2022, there is one fatal error that must be fully corrected; one massive erroneous conflation that could spell disaster for us. We have fallen into the belief that exposing and destroying the regime will automatically save our people. We have naively bought into the idea that the more truth tellers we have, the healthier our people will become. To follow this logic is to pursue a lie.  

It is of course necessary to destroy the apparatus of a corrupt and suicidal liberal hegemonic order. Yet we must understand that we are not first and foremost ‘dissidents’ because we oppose any specific policy of our governments, but because we are advocates for the continued existence of our people. At this point, only the most ardent fanatics and the most degenerated sycophants are in full support of the programme the globalists are attempting to unleash onto the world. Whether it’s climate change, Covid-19 tyranny, the rise of ‘equity’, BLM, or trans-rights, talk to almost anyone long enough and they will express a heresy on at least one of these topics. We live in societies populated by those who have been declared dissident and transgressive without ever having expressed radical opinions; the elite has gone drastically away from the masses, propped up by an ever smaller and smaller segment of the population. As material conditions decline, their support, as well as their ability to implement their demented policies, will evaporate completely.

In a world where almost everyone is a dissident of some kind, waiting for the death knell of a senile and tired ideology, the description is meaningless. It is true we may share common ground with many of those now forced into opposition to the government by its extreme social engineering, but these bonds are nevertheless too weak to form a coherent movement. Our task is not simply to stymy the existing order, but to be the vanguard that offers a new vision of the world, one which leads to the revival and flourishing of our people once again. While the big tent approach is alluring, it is ultimately doomed to failure. We have seen this in the aftermath of Charlottesville where the tentative bonds that held a coalition of disparate dissidents together were too brittle to withstand the lawfare and media recriminations, scattering the ‘Alt Right’ to the winds.

In its place we have seen the proliferation of Conservative Inc. shills, infotainment streamers grifting daily by offering turgid analysis of the news, manosphere buffoons, and Christians papering over the differences of their ragtag audiences with pop theology. While it could be said all of these group’s chip away at the legitimacy of the regime, none of them will save our race. Increasingly, the front men of these circus operations are not even from our race to begin with. This white nationalism without whites has capitalised on the growing audience of state mandated do-nothing dissidents seeking out performative critiques of the regime, without confronting and telling the whole truth on the biggest issue facing us: demographic replacement. If we are unable to push this issue to the fore, the regime very well may fall, but what will replace it will by a third world coalition of cranks, not a revived and revitalised European people.

If we accept that our spokesmen are to be Hispanic Christian nationalists and black rappers, with their message propagated by alt-lite orbiters and mixed-race streamers then we have already lost. If we cannot stop The Great Replacement even within our own movement, we have no chance of reversing it in the wider world. The alure of the easy downward path will always be too much for some. At the Battle of Hastings in 1066 when victory seemed assured, many of King Harold’s loyal Anglo-Saxon thanes foolishly abandoned the high ground they occupied to chase the supposedly fleeing Norman invaders, blinded by the prospect that total victory was at hand. By being baited to abandon their elevated position atop the hill, they were thus destroyed, and both the battle and kingdom was lost. I am therefore planting my banner deep into the soil of this hill I am prepared to die on and stating plainly: this must be a movement for us, by us. Salvation will not come from without but must be stoked from within. We must not abandon our high ground to chase the prospect of easy victory in the valley below. We must instead take the much more difficult and time-consuming higher path.

We are not simply engaged in destroying the existing order. We are dedicated to the uncompromising goal of reorientating and rebuilding our people and our society. Our task is much more arduous than that of simple demolition. Each of us is a beacon, broadcasting into the darkness, attempting to make contact with those of our people who are open to our message. We have changed our frame of reference and view ourselves as part of a collectivist struggle. The wealth, and the skills we garner are no longer just for our private use and entertainment but strengthen our whole tribe. While an increasing number of grifters think they can make comfortable careers by draining the limited resources of our collective war chest, we hunters and gatherers labour tirelessly to make our movement more prosperous, stronger, and more educated.

Our metaphysical belief in the revival of our people and our civilization is the concrete foundation that allows us to withstand the chaos of a collapsing world. The weak willed nominally on our side who focus only on purely frivolous political issues will ultimately be swept away. We must always privilege quality and practice discernment and discrimination. If we are truly Evolian, if we are really right-wing in the best sense of that term, quality always trumps quantity. If I must hold the hill alone, I will do so as Spengler’s last Roman, watching those who abandon it to chase the phantom of an easy remaking of the world be destroyed in the melee below. But I do not think I will fight on alone, because each awakened member of our race who accepts the higher path into their heart is another shoulder bracing the great shield wall beside me.

Our victory requires a total mobilisation of white society, young and old, male, and female. In the great titanic struggles of history, it is not absolute numbers that make the difference, but zeal of those engaged in the struggle. We must harden our hearts now and act as ideological commissars, giving the order that there should be not one step back. It is not optimism that is cowardice, but compromise. Those who minimise the gravity of our situation, and the defeatists who say it is too late must both be purged as disloyal to the cause. We are engaged in an existential battle for survival, and we are losing. The last Confederate statue has been removed from Richmond, Virginia and the most recent UK census data reaffirms what we already know by looking at our towns and cities.

The situation can be reversed however, we have just enough time. The lesson of 2022 is that the prison guards watching the panopticon of our race’s collective thoughts have left the building; the white race’s mental prison no longer is under armed guard. Now is our chance to storm the Bastille, to turn the cracks in the walls of the narrative into huge breaches, through which we will liberate our people from their mental enslavement. The clowns and grifters who are adjacent to our struggle but can never fully participate in it have their uses, they are distracting the establishment and providing us the ability to organise. We must ensure however that they are subservient to our interests, not the other way around.

We must clearly understand now that their mission is not our mission. We are engaged in forging the nucleus of a new intellectual and political elite to shepherd our people away from the wolves and the hyenas confronting us. In a chaotic world of false friends and shifting alliances, I identify my kinsmen in this struggle not simply by what they say, but also who they are. Our circle may be smaller because of this, but it ultimately will be stronger, strong enough to hold our hill against all comers, to not only withstand the storm, but to ride out after it blows over and to reforge a new and vital world from the ruins of the old one.

While those of the not so radical right disgraced themselves by casting their lot in with the jesters and freaks rushing to their demise, we true bannermen of our race shall occupy the high ground with the king, elevating ourselves ever more, closing the celestial distance between ourselves and our ancestors in the heavens. Undoubtedly the regime will continue to weaken in 2023, but we must labour every day to ensure that rather than it replacing us, we shall instead replace it. This year is ours for the taking, we must only be true to ourselves and our principles. I invite all true patriots to lock their shield with mine and drive our enemies from the field. A few good men beats numbers.

Wain’s World & The Disintegration of Discourse

The progression of English artist Louis Wain’s (1860-1939) work as his mental health reportedly declined

The wheel has turned, the merry-go-round of modernity has performed another rotation. One could be forgiven for thinking at first sight that things are much as they were before; the same cast of characters leers back at us. Trump and Farage continue to dominate the headlines, and the entourage of grifters and sycophants that surround them seem wearingly familiar. Yet even a cursory glance at contemporary political discourse reveals that we have experienced a sea change. Even the most humdrum media commentators are not as they once were. The embattled centre has finally collapsed. The dam which was holding dissident ideas of all stripes has broken, and formerly simmering undercurrents of thought boil to the fore. Extreme ideas are battling for the minds of the public, and with a sudden thawing of restrictions on speech, the great war of value systems is being conducted in the open for the first time.

To see the fast-developing new fault lines, we need only to contrast the utterances of Jordan Peterson with the bombast of Kanye West. As Jordan Peterson weepingly prostrates himself in Jerusalem, declaring “the fate of the world depends on Israel”, Kanye West has launched into a shocking attack on the prevailing power structure. Confused and partial though his strikes have been, they have forced those previously pulling the strings from behind the curtains into an uncomfortable and unwanted spotlight. Kanye West is a stray bombshell that has hit an ammo dump, igniting furious debate from all corners. The elite are battling an inferno they cannot put out, the damage has been done. Elon Musk is pouring fuel onto those flames, reassuring us in what we already knew to be true. Vested interests have been subverting reality, desperately trying to channel discourse along acceptable lines while maintaining their grip on power.

The elite’s ability to control the narrative, to present a false picture of the world to the masses, has collapsed. Major world events occur now without an agreed upon party line, there is no longer a coherent mainstream consensus. What was the origin of the Coronavirus? Who destroyed the Nord Stream pipeline, and why? Why is Sam Bankman-Fried still a free citizen after committing unprecedented fraud? How deep does Hunter Biden’s web of corruption run? The mainstream politicians and legacy media offer no cogent answers to any of these questions, and into this vacuum of credibility thousands of voices have started to offer their own answers, speculating on who the guilty party may be. A din of competing explanations is reverberating on all channels in an open dialogue which was long artificially repressed. Debanking and deplatforming have failed to silence Kanye or to commercially cripple Elon.

The sudden disintegration of the centre and the collapse of narrative control by the elite has in part been facilitated by worsening material conditions in the real world. The scale of the lies which must be told to explain plummeting living standards, huge population movements, all-encompassing health tyranny, and global conflict are colossal. The reasons they proffer for our impoverishment, disenfranchisement, and loss of liberty are insufficient. The mendacious webs they have tried to weave are too transparent; even the most apathetic and detached can now see the falsehoods. All those shivering in unheated homes or living next to overflowing camps of ‘refugees’ now understand politics affects them personally. Those previously contented to let the all-knowing elites run the world have realised that they have driven us off a cliff.

Chaotic and unpredictable forces have now been unleashed. It is unsurprising that into this void of uncertainty, Christianity has reasserted itself in political life. Both Jordan Peterson and Kanye West couch their morality in Christian terms; Nick Fuentes declares himself the prophet of Christian nationalism. Though belief in milquetoast organised Christianity in the West has collapsed amongst the masses, in a crisis it has returned as an animating nucleus of vanguard elements. This path is not our path, however. While the current chaos offers opportunities for dissidents, it also presents severe dangers. We must not allow one set of buffoonish elites to be replaced by another. We must not abandon our principles and follow the pied pipers of pandemonium down the slippery slope into madness.

It is increasingly apparent we are being offered white nationalism without whites, as the coalition of dissenters against the global liberal order expands to include new ethnic groups and social classes. Eric Kaufmann’s theory of ‘whiteshift’ is playing out on a grand stage. Christianity is being lauded as the thread which can tie the disparate disruptor’s caucus together, the tried-and-true glue that can bind a shaky alliance of disaffected groups. At this critical moment, we must not be distracted by the circus an unravelling world serves up to us daily. We cannot lose sight of our goals. Our race will not be liberated from without, but instead its salvation must come from within. Contemporary events are offering us much ammunition and many fresh angles for the ideational attack, but chaos alone does not guarantee our victory; we must also fight to achieve it.

Recent UK census data brings into sharp focus the grave reality of our situation. The demographic clock is ticking and nothing that has been said will change that. We must be Machiavellian in our struggle for power, if truths are uttered from unlikely mouths, we should amplify and utilise them. But we must not forget that our credo is not their credo, and we are working for nothing less than the total metaphysical and demographic revival of our race. The discursive and political environment may have changed, but our goal remains unerringly the same. Our previous attacks have been repulsed, but we throw ourselves at the breach once again with vigour.

To those who have been in the movement for years, the struggle is familiar, yet at the same time strange and novel. Just as the images of English artist Louis Wain (1860-1939) became more warped and abstract as he descended into madness, so too has our world become alien and freakish. Our towns and cities no longer reflect us but are instead degenerated and alarming parodies of what they once were. Discourse too, has become bizarre and unhinged, increasingly gravitating towards the most unnuanced and clownish positions. The disintegration of the centre will only accelerate this unstoppable descent into the incoherent and unknown. The winds of chaos will only become stronger, sweeping up those without any firm intellectual or ideological grounding.

We must stand tall as granite pillars of stability and reason, unceasingly pushing the public conversation towards our message as we try and reach as many of our people as we can. We must not be paralysed by the outlandish theatre playing out hour by hour, but instead be proactive in building our own alternative, coherent, and stabilising worldview which saves our civilization and restores order to a world in chaos. We cannot at this moment change the fact we are living in Louis Wain’s world: an ever-distorting reality, increasingly more abstract and inchoate. We must play events as they are dealt to us, but we must also keep our eye firmly fixed on our final prize: salvation, stability, and the triumph of our ideas.

Awakening Arminius

We are being buffeted by an unrelenting storm of chaos. The global economy lies in ruins, with leading stocks having shed as much as eighty percent of their value while European countries face the prospect of the lights going out this winter. A major conflict rages on the European periphery, ominously threatening to either drastically expand in scope or to turn nuclear. And while these catastrophes engulf us, the West is being piloted by the most degenerated, inept, and decrepit political elite that ever could be imagined. A natural response to this is to feel an overwhelming sense of dismay and powerlessness; to batten down the hatches and to try to insulate ourselves from the worst of it. It is easy to believe this is simply an age to be endured, and that our immediate goal can only be narrowly trying to survive. But this type of thinking discounts an important truth: chaos is good for us. This is the greatest opportunity in a generation to influence the course of world events.

There is a pernicious belief amongst the radical right that our enemies are all powerful and monolithic. That we are ruled over by an infallible cabal of psychopaths, always unleashing the next stage of their devious machinations on a helpless and impotent public. The reality is much more nuanced than this. It is plain to see that many of the forces the global elites have unleashed are now beyond their control. We are all hostages on a runaway train with no brakes. Our opponents are neither unflinchingly unified nor unswervingly capable, but rather subject to the same whims of fortune as us. They are rapidly losing their grip on their most powerful levers of control: safety and prosperity. The vast majority of those who have acquiesced in the global liberal order have not done so out of a deep-seated ideological belief in it. They turn a blind eye to its excesses because the system has benefitted them materially, it has kept them in comfortable gilded cages. This is abruptly about to come to an end.

A drastic decline in real terms living standards will do more to make people receptive to our ideas than a thousand speeches or essays. We are already seeing this. The times are not even yet as bad as they will be, and populist parties are gaining unprecedented shares of the vote from Italy to Sweden. It is not that these parties will solve our problems, in fact they will most likely fail to make any meaningful difference at all. But they are a proof of concept, a public admission that the masses are already open to radical new ideas on how to reshape society. The Overton window has not just been shifted; it has been shattered completely. At every turn we must be there to offer our solutions, to shine a searchlight on the guilty parties. Up until now, we have been too willing to compromise, we have lagged slavishly behind the populist trailblazing of others, hoping a moderate approach can prevail. We must at this moment now undergo a process of re-radicalisation. We are not here for the purposes of infotainment or grifting, but to form the intellectual vanguard of a revolutionary movement that can save our nations and our people.

And yet many of us are tired. Numbed by past failures, disheartened that all our struggle and sacrifice seems to have scarcely moved the needle one iota in our favour. The daily demoralisation propaganda is doing its work, and in the coming age of austerity the kneejerk reaction is to focus only on what we can control, to scale down our commitments both financial and mental to abstract political struggle. Yet it is exactly at this moment that support is most vital. When the fighting is the thickest, that is when the battle will be decided. Though we are weary, we must summon our remaining energy to brace the shield wall once again. Instead of turning inwards, it is now time for us to step from the shadows. Just as in the dense and murky Teutoburg forest the Germanic chieftain Arminius ambushed and destroyed a complacent and unsuspecting Roman army, we must too spring our trap.

It is of course not feasible for everyone to cast their personal responsibilities to the wind and commit themselves totally to radical politics, nor is this in actuality desirable. But what all reading these words now can do is to help arm the political gladiators, to act as nodes in this great network dedicated to reordering society. Every time you donate to Counter Currents, each time you share a dissident video, every instance where you speak the truth to friends, family, and those who are open to our message, you bring us one step closer to victory. Chaos by itself will not guarantee the adoption of our ideas. The fact that what we are saying is right is irrelevant. There is no Marxist inevitability of triumph inborne in our Weltanschauung. In fact, we have only a slim hope of success. But from small stones comes a landslide, and now is the time when our efforts will be magnified and rewarded. Vote for the future you want to bring into being with your time and your money. If it is not possible for you to take to the field of battle, then at the very least you must empower those engaged in the struggle to succeed.

We must bolster our institutions and our ideological programme to prevail. Throwing a wrench in the slaughterhouse our enemies have constructed for us grants us only a temporary reprieve if we have nothing to replace it with. The final collapse of rotten foundations and a warped establishment is a hollow victory if we do not manage to fill the vacuum their disappearance creates. This may happen sooner rather than later. All totalitarian systems of thought-control seem suffocatingly all encompassing and eternal until people suddenly stop believing they are. The dissolution of the Soviet Union, the collapse of the Ceausescu regime, and a dozen other examples demonstrate how quickly the political winds can change. This lends our task of creating a parallel system of thought and elite individuals a sense of urgency. We must imagine and advertise an entirely new world and do so quickly.

National revival begins with personal resurrection. Before we can change the world, we must first change ourselves. By growing your personal power, by marshalling your strength, by expanding your resources, you are augmenting the great fasces that is our race. You are acting as a gatherer contributing to the greater wellbeing of your tribe, you are an engineer in the colossal arms factory which is providing the intellectual shells and bullets that will blow apart the lies of our enemies. In the afterglow of their BLM and Covid tyranny, our overlords think they have successfully cowed the population. But just as the hubris of the Romans led them to fail to detect that Arminius’ loyalty was to his own people and not to their system, our elites will make the same miscalculation. We have been sharpening our swords in the woods for years, waiting for our moment to strike. Now is that moment to not only waken one Arminius, but instead to prove we have hundreds of thousands of them. The world is in chaos, and it is ours for the taking, if only we have the will to seize it.

The Death of the Tactile World

Many theories have been posited as the cause of the decline of the Western world, from demographic disaster and dysgenics to spiritual malaise and the death of Christianity. Yet while these phenomena are symptoms of our collapsing societies, they do not fully explain why we have embarked on our wholesale self-destruction. Could it be that we have let our world descend into rack and ruin, because we simply do not live there anymore? For the vast majority of the developed world cyberspace has supplanted reality. The metaverse is not a dystopian corporate dream, but in fact already a daily lived reality, one more powerful than the physical, tactile world we inhabit. Our Twitter feed, our Instagram followers, our bespoke media bubble, and big business algorithms are the dominant pillars of the modern psyche.

The observation that the internet has fuelled political polarisation is not a novel one, and it is easy to chart the acceleration of societal fragmentation in tandem with the rise of the smart phone and the app economy. We are engaged in an unprecedented psycho-technological experiment, with the levers of control firmly in the hands of a small unaccountable digital elite. They have perfected the art of manipulating human emotions, presenting the atypical as typical, magnifying outrage when needed, and minimising it when inconvenient. They have succeeded in quite literally rewiring the human brain, turning us into dopamine addicts. It is now being observed that IQ is declining because attention spans have been so severely impaired by the ever more sensational demands for our fleeting attention in cyberspace. Each iteration of the digital experiment has distilled the essence of manipulation into a finer and finer art. We have been seduced to abandon the real world for the pleasures of the simulated one.

It is hard to overstate the magnitude of this transformation not only on political discourse, but on society as a whole. Our lives have taken on a hollow, performative aspect as we do things not for ourselves, but to document them for others. Undoubtedly, the rise of China and its flood of cheap plastic products in part owes to the fact we no longer care about the quality of things we own in the real world; they serve only as utilitarian ends to allow us to get back online. We are now spending more time alone than ever, living vicariously through the parasocial relationships with our favourite streamers, podcasters, and content creators. Even when we are not alone technology has provided ample opportunities for us to atomise ourselves. When we travel on crowded public transport populated by alien and dysfunctional people, we can simply put our Air Pods in to ignore this inconvenient truth.

The end result of this constant diet of media consumption is mass passivity. We no longer live in the society of the spectacle because there is no coherent external society to identify with anymore. We live a totally atomised experience, in which the only choice we are granted is to select our next media hit to consume from an ever-changing smorgasbord of Netflix shows, microtransaction riddled video games, vacuous YouTube and Facebook videos and Onlyfans pornography. All anti-system political ideologies have been neutered by this process which replaces action with infotainment, while the new puppet masters of Plato’s cave hide our activities from the public through algorithmic manipulation.

Both mainstream and dissident commentators have largely failed to conceptualise this total sea change in the human experience and have no viable response to it. Crude primitivist critiques which implore that we should do away with technology and return to a purer state of nature will ultimately find no purchase. No technological innovation once unleashed has been willingly relinquished in human history; the genie will not be put back in the bottle. The traditionalist gurus who advocated total disengagement and a retreat to the land largely just ended up tweeting their nostrums with slower internet connections.

We are not in any case, fundamentally engaged in a battle with technology itself. Though the wisdom of a total reliance on devices dependent on rare earth minerals and increasingly scare semiconductors may be questioned, technology in itself is value neutral. It is the use it is put to that is paramount. We are ultimately involved in a struggle for the direction of our collective imagination, and this battle is not new, but in fact a perennial one.

Humans have always created other realms of dreams and hopes, that manifest themselves only partially in the real and physical world. When an illiterate medieval peasant gazed upon a stained-glass cathedral window he was transported to another divine plane, beyond the strictly temporal. For much of human history novels and letters served to externalise our waking dreams; to birth a collective consciousness that could persist beyond the span of a human life. Before the advent of the internet, cinema and television served the function of this other world, not at all reflecting reality but instead creating an alternative one which informed the physical world.

Yet all these technologies have suffered the same fate, to be corrupted and rendered ultimately spiritually sickening by the ruthless application of liberal and egalitarian values. When a technology has intellectual, ethnic, and economic barriers to its use it is a spiritually vitalising force. Writing bolstered us when it was the preserve of the learned class, the tool of monks and philosophers. In its infancy, television was predicated on the belief that it could be used to elevate the masses, through documentaries and informed discussions. It is not accidental that the first blockbuster movie, The Birth of a Nation, was a race-affirming inegalitarian exhortation. The early internet was the preserve of economic and intellectual elites, the finest Western minds of the time. There was a meritocracy in its limited usership, who were driven to push the technology to expand our consciousness and realise our dreams.

Paradoxically, when technologies are democratised, they necessarily become less free and are determined by the worst, rather than the best elements of society. It is not the case therefore that the internet has ruined society, but rather that liberal egalitarianism has destroyed the internet, in the same fashion it polluted and ultimately destroyed our connection to the tactile world. The internet was created as an escape pod, a promise for unfettered communication and communal dreaming for those disaffected by our already collapsing real world. Our white flight to cyberspace has sadly now come to an end, as the third worlding of the internet takes place, presided over by megacorporations hellbent on monetising, censoring, and narrative control.

Our response to this must be two-fold. Firstly, we must re-engage with the tactile world and break free of the pernicious and all-consuming hypnosis of an alien-controlled internet. We must take ownership of our own lives, and reimbue ourselves with a Heideggerian sense of authenticity, no longer performatively living for others, but living purely for ourselves and our people. At the present time, doing things in the real world is a revolutionary act. Yet it is unrealistic to expect we will simply unplug ourselves from the digital matrix completely however, especially as more and more functions of the real world become centralised there. We must then instead change our approach to the digital second world.

Despite all its corruptions and flaws, the internet still provides us with an incredible opportunity to network with the best of our people. We must reach out to other like-minded individuals and continue to keep the dream of our people alive. Together we can stoke our Faustian imagination and keep it burning bright, working towards the next great technology that will enable yet bigger dreams for us. This time, we must safeguard it against the encroachment of egalitarianism and debasing liberalisation. We must work together to imagine a future for us, by us, which complements rather than replaces our natural, tactile world.

Europa Esoterica

Art: Janus by Yaroslav Kurbanov

“For early man there could not have been a difference between “living” and “dead” things, or even “imaginary” and “real”, instead for him there was only a hierarchy of forms, an order of images and signs in accordance with their force.” – Dr. Ernst Schertel, Magic, Theory, Practice

If you can no longer stand the world you’re living in, it’s time to imagine a new one. We have now surpassed the time where changes to civilisation can be made through rational argumentation and the presentation of pure facts, if such a time ever existed. No material advance in science or technology will lift us out of our current morass. The quest for rationality has stripped us of our monks and mystics, our knights and our priests who were the spiritual guardians of our people. Without their protection we are at the mercy of all consuming entropic forces; we have lost the favour of the Gods. All the chaos we see in the world today is the result of the severing of our connection to the esoteric and the spiritual. We do not need a political revolution, we need a mytho-spiritual reawakening. This is a manifesto of that awakening.

The history of Europe is the history of thousands of years of theological debate wrought in blood and iron. Since the Minoan Kings sat atop their lofty thrones’ millennia ago the driving impetus of the grand narrative of European civilisation has been the question of who are our Gods, and how best can we worship them? Europeans uniquely have set themselves apart by their ability to revitalise themselves by reimagining their divine pantheon from Zeus, Odin and Janus to Christ, his angels, and his saints. While rationalists have lamented the excesses of our religious feuding and the massacres, forced conversions, inquisitions, and witch hunts it entailed, they have missed the purpose of such struggle. Thousands of years of religious dialogue conducted by pen and sword has kept our people strong; we have practiced a form of spiritual Darwinism.   

The rationalist viewpoint that our world would be better if we did away with the trappings of mumbo-jumbo and superstition is informed by their belief in evolution and progress. In the spiritual domain however, the exact opposite is true: we have instead undergone a period of involution in which the primeval shamans of old were much closer to divinity and magic than we could ever imagine today. This devolution in spiritual life has in part been brought about by rationalist undermining of faith, yet they have succeeded only in weakening our ethno-spiritual consciousness; they have failed to slow the march of religion in other corners of the globe, or to stamp out superstition and irrationality amongst our own people. In practice, they have simply misdirected our natural spiritual impulses away from the worship of the ancestors and the Gods and instead encouraged profane modern cults. Are we really more rational in the age of Q-Anon, BLM, and transgenderism, or is it that we are now simply disarmed in the great battle for the human soul?

Even amongst the dissident right it is popular to merely describe the positive effects of faith and religion without wishing to sincerely engage with it. Commentators can point to improved birth rates, higher trust societies, a greater ability to cope with stress, and a thousand other benefits of religion as the complementary software to the hardware of our genes, yet they do not wish to practice it. Likewise, those faith-seekers of the right who are looking to ‘choose’ their Gods do so on an infirm basis. They at first examine the empirical outcomes of religions and the societies they have created. They weigh the pros and cons of each faith against each other in a utilitarian calculus. By doing so they are misguidedly applying a rationalist mindset to the spiritual domain. This is an impious and worldly approach to the divine. Of course, it is almost entirely a modern conundrum as faith throughout European history was almost always inherited. It is therefore inextricably linked with ancestral worship. Any meaningful attempt to build a new spiritually must thus first engage with our ancestors.

I. Dialogue with the Ancestors

To be human is to enter into a compact with history. We do not come into this world untrammelled by its baggage, but as the next link in the great chain that stretches back all the way into the mists of prehistory. Europeans have been always acutely aware of this fact. As Caesar aped Alexander, so thus did Napoleon ape Caesar. But not only the great men of history come down to us, but as the Romans honoured their immediate ancestors so too did all venerable Europeans. The dead have influence that echoes far beyond their own lives and can aid us now in the present. The historian who devotes himself to the study of his own people is in our contemporary age the closest to the priests and shamans of old, for by learning who we are, we strengthen the roots of our own resolve now here in the present.

The idle platitude that we learn history, so we are not doomed to repeat it is a falsehood. We are powerless to stop the cycles of history, but by knowing well the deeds of our ancestors we are bolstered by their example when the great crises of our time arise. At these moments of great stress, when our people are imperilled the veil between the living and dead is thinnest. In all our travails now, we must imagine we are being cheered on to victory by a heavenly host: all those millions of our people that when duty called answered, and now spur us on to victory. We carry the weight of a huge burden, the understanding we are the degenerated heirs of a great lineage, and we risk being the final stewards of our race.

We are not alone in our struggle, however, for we can call on the ancestors and they shall answer. Each act of sacrilege that modernity commits against the statues and graves of our kin disturbs their spirits, just as desecration of any burial mound does. These restless spirits are thus alerted that we are in mortal peril, now is the time we need their wisdom and encouragement the most. When we walk the streets of our towns and cities, we do not do so as a lone atom in an uncaring world, but as the custodian of thousands of years of history and the sum total of all the hopes of those who came before us. We must understand in all our endeavours, they want us to succeed. If we but only open our hearts and minds to them, and to their noble examples, we are granted a mighty boon. Those who know that when they die, they shall be returned to the bosom of their own kind will crush those who live only for themselves.

But the aid of the ancestors comes with a supreme duty. In all things that we do, we must understand that when we die and enter the hallowed halls of our own kind, they will ask a single question of us:

“What did you do in the great crisis, when the race was almost extinguished?”

No excuse for dereliction of duty will be sufficient. Pleas that our enemies were too numerous and our chances too few will be but the mewling of a coward to all those esteemed heroes of history who thought nothing of their own depredations and sacrifices. They will be unswayed by stories of great fortunes amassed or lives of hedonism lived, much better to be able to answer with true sincerity:

“I did all I could, and I fought to the bitter end.”

Though we are but stunted pygmies and unworthy heirs to a grand tradition, to say that we fought with all our might in an unheroic age in the final reckoning makes us the greatest of our kind. When all others were untrue, we gave our all. Many on the dissident right today are too concerned with the fate of the faithless, they froth in impotent rage at all our people who have abandoned their duties and wallow in filth. It is not our task to try and convince lesser men to do their duty, but instead by our example to shame them for their own cravenness. The judgement of our deeds will not be reckoned by the petty fads of our day, we answer to a divine council. Tolerance and meekness may gain some today the admiration of the fashionable, but they shall not dine with us in Valhalla, at the table of the greatest. They will not receive the blessing of the ancestors. We must labour to make sure that we do.

II. From the Volk

All great political movements are preceded by a spiritual earthquake. It is not a coincidence that the great tumult that occurred in the Germany of the 20th century grew out of the renewed occult and esoteric societies of that time. Those who wish to build a movement purely based on temporal concerns would be wise to take note of this. We need metaphysical objectives, a grand and eternal purpose, not merely political goals. This is why we must rebuild our priestly class, we must seek hidden truths, we must listen to whispers from the Gods. In short, before we turn outwards, we must turn inwards, and overthrow our doubts and our cynicism.

Humans are but beacons. We stoke the fire within ourselves in the hope that we may draw the best and the brightest to us. Our passage through life is nothing but the total of the connections we make within and beyond it. We create great works in the hope they may stir the imaginations of others. We make great speeches in the belief it will rouse the passions of the noblest. Our race is the clay from which the great men are moulded. But not every man is great, and we must understand that we are not trying to connect with the masses. We are forging the spear tip that will pierce the armour of our enemies. Only thirteen men crossed Francisco Pizzaro’s line in the sand to aid him in his Faustian quest to topple the Incas. Jesus had but twelve disciples. The great questions of the age are settled by but a handful.

We must understand our enemies are not other men, but perennial forces which attack every generation of our people. We are engaged in an existential struggle with entropy itself. The problems we face are not unique to our age, but universal. The dangers of degeneration, vice, indolence, treachery, and stupidity have faced us always. In every crop of our people there have been those willing to sell us out, to scorn their duty, to gleefully attempt to destroy everything that has gone before. Our eternal mission is to always seek those heroic few who will be our allies in casting the dark forces back into shadow once again. In short, our lives are determined by a few meaningful comrades and lovers. We must pray that we find them, and hope the Gods intercede on our behalf.

The drive to increase the chance of these great minds and great souls meeting has been the guiding purpose of all our eugenic efforts of the past. The rationalist believes in transhumanism, that all men can be improved. We know this to be false, we believe that some of the best men can be enabled to be better, but greatness is particular and not general. Just as not all people can enjoy the favour of the Gods, nor can all peoples. Our faith must therefore be specific and idiosyncratic. Christianity collapsed under its universalist pretensions, and now we must labour for a strand of religion particular to us. This was the driving principle behind the Völkisch movements of the last century. To incorporate the veneration of our own people into a new religion of the future was the natural evolution of our spiritual journey, but this was snuffed out in the great cataclysm of the Second World War.

It is for us now to take up this mantle and to work towards a new faith with our people at the centre of it. It is likely that this will be a synthesis of forms of worship both present and past, of religious truths of old fused with the revealed truths of the present. Our ability to renew ourselves through the creation of new religious doctrines has been one of the crowning achievements of our phoenix spirited race. This is why the more far sighted on the dissident right have ceased to concern themselves purely with the political, and now turn their mind to the esoteric. Our continuation depends on the successful completion of this radical synthesis.

III. The Way of Janus

We are the first generation to be tasked with choosing our God. Much like the rationalistic approach to debate is defunct, approaching faith with modern liberal and utilitarian ideas is wrongheaded. There is no marketplace of Gods. Without a truer, more esoteric, and contemplative approach to religion, any faith will be merely superficial. This pivot away from divine contemplation to religions concerned only with this world is evident in the trajectory of Christianity. The Evangelical Christianity that dominates the United States is devoid of any esoteric truths or dedicated mystical thinkers. Faith has been stripped back to a mere a social club in which the faithful sign up to a nebulous set of club rules. These shallow roots were therefore easy for modernity to wash away under a tide of hedonism and relativism. Christianity in its contemporary formulation cannot act as a bulwark against spiritual decay because its roots have withered, and the thin theological topsoil has been thoroughly polluted. As the scholar of magic Ernst Schertel surmised:  

“European Catholicism which is mainly derived from Egypt still fosters the old traditions of the magical significance of the body, the picture, in short, the concrete-designed in general. The Catholic cult was built on magical ceremonies, in its centre the sacrifice was still featured like in old times, its world was still replete with demons and even the supreme God still appeared in the guise of bread and wine. Here there was still an air of magic of all kinds, and it was not coincidental that with the resignation of Catholicism, magic also dried out in Europe.”

While the modern conservative seeks to turn the clock back by fifty or one hundred years, we instead seek to soar back to the very origin point of our people, to ask the first men what wisdom they possessed. Yet without any records, we have but the faintest of ideas. We must instead then turn to an approximation, a guide who cannot furnish us with direct truth but can instead direct our enquiries. In ancient Rome the god Janus was the deity of beginnings, transitions, and duality, amongst many other roles. In the pantheon he acted as a form of meta-god, invoked at the beginning of each religious ceremony regardless of its main deity. He had no dedicated priesthood, but instead was the preserve of the King of the Sacred Rites, rex sacrorum.

For the neophyte faith-seeker of the modern age, it is useful to think about the divine at first not as an entity to be worshipped, but as a dialectic. In contemporary life, perhaps more than at any other time, we are forced to be constantly in two minds. We interact with a world we know to be false but must pretend it is true. We are Janus-spirited in all things. There is perhaps no better spiritual chaperone for the postmodern world. Just as Virgil was Dante’s guide through heaven and hell, we must let Janus lead us from atheism to agnosticism. Some are touched by a deep religious experience and accept faith as true all at once. Others come to the realisation slowly, at first splitting their thoughts between the secular and the divine.

No one can ultimately tell you what to believe in your heart. The pilgrimages of times long past were undertaken to reaffirm faith, but in modernity we must make pilgrimages just to find the merest lost echoes of the divine. God is not dead, but he nevertheless will not reveal himself to the unworthy. Great truths about reality are to be sought and discovered, they will not be revealed by inaction. We must reverse our spiritual decline just as assuredly we must reverse our demographic decline. To do so begins with the chosen few once again pondering the profound and esoteric meanings of the universe. We have no masters to guide us in this task, but this should not deter us. We are all now kings of our own sacred rites, and it is up to us to reconvene with the Gods once more. Our fate depends on it.

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